Menu Home News Hardware Gaming Mobile Finance Deals Reviews How To Wccftech Apple’s A20 Rumored To Be Exclusive To The iPhone 18 Pro, iPhone 18 Pro Max And The Company’s Foldable Flagship, Will Leverage TSMC’s Advanced 2nm Process Combined With The Newer WMCM Packaging Omar Sohail • Jun 16, 2025 at 02:00am EDT TSMC might have started accepting orders for its 2nm wafers, but the first chipsets fabricated on this cutting-edge lithography are not expected to arrive until late next year. As the majority of you are well aware, Apple likely pounced on the opportunity to be the first recipient of this technology, with its A20 rumored to be mass produced on the 2nm process. However, the same rumor claims that the Cupertino firm will employ the foundry giant’s WMCM (Wafer-Level Multi-Chip Module) packaging, bringing in more benefits, but customers can only experience these if they intend on making the iPhone 18 Pro, iPhone 18 Pro Max, or Apple’s upcoming foldable flagship their daily driver. The latest rumor also claims that Apple will not be upping the RAM count on any iPhone model that will ship with the A20 The efforts to bring WMCM packaging to the A20 will be highly beneficial for Apple because it will allow the latter to maintain the chipset’s footprint while having immense flexibility in combining different components. In short, multiple dies such as the CPU, GPU, memory, and other parts can be integrated at a wafer level, before being sliced into individual chips. This approach will help Apple to mass manufacture smaller chipsets that are considerably power-efficient, but also powerful at the same time, leading to an incredible ‘performance per watt’ metric. China Times reports that this A20 upgrade will arrive for the iPhone 18 Pro, the iPhone 18 Pro Max, and Apple’s foldable flagship, which the rumor refers to as the iPhone 18 Fold. TSMC’s production line specifically for WMCM chipsets will be located in Chiayi AP7, with an estimated monthly production capacity of 50,000 pieces by the end of 2026. Interestingly, the RAM count will not change from this year, with Apple said to retain the 12GB limit. We have reported about the iPhone 18 series shifting to TSMC’s WMCM packaging before, while also talking about a separate rumor claiming that the A20 will be 15 percent faster than the A19 at the same power draw. The rumor does not mention whether the less expensive iPhone 18 models will be treated to chipsets featuring WMCM packaging, or if Apple intends to save on design and production costs by sticking with the older Integrated Fan-Out (InFo) packaging. All of these answers will be provided in the fourth quarter of 2026, when the iPhone 18 family goes official, so stay tuned. News Source: China Times Subscribe to get an everyday digest of the latest technology news in your inbox Follow us on Topics Sections Company Some posts on wccftech.com may contain affiliate links. We are a participant in the Amazon Services LLC Associates Program, an affiliate advertising program designed to provide a means for sites to earn advertising fees by advertising and linking to amazon.com © 2025 WCCF TECH INC. 700 - 401 West Georgia Street, Vancouver, BC, Canada

Asus ROG Xbox Ally, ROG Xbox Ally X to Start Pre-Orders in August, Launch in October – Rumour A new report indicates that the ROG Xbox Ally will be priced at around €599, while the more powerful ROG Xbox Ally X will cost €899. Posted By Joelle Daniels | On 16th, Jun. 2025 While Microsoft and Asus have unveiled the ROG Xbox Ally and ROG Xbox Ally X handheld gaming systems, the companies have yet to confirm the prices or release dates for the two systems. While the announcement  mentioned that they will be launched later this year, a new report, courtesy of leaker Extas1s, indicates that pre-orders for both devices will be kicked off in August, with the launch then happening in October. As noted by Extas1s, the lower-powered ROG Xbox Ally is expected to be priced around €599. The leaker claims to have corroborated the pricing details for the handheld with two different Europe-based retailers. The more powerful ROG Xbox Ally X, on the other hand, is expected to be priced at €899. This would put its pricing in line with Asus’s own ROG Ally X. Previously, Asus senior manager of marketing content for gaming, Whitson Gordon, had revealed that pricing and power use were the two biggest reasons why both the ROG Xbox Ally and the ROG Xbox Ally X didn’t feature OLED displays. Rather, both systems will come equipped with 7-inch 1080p 120 Hz LCD displays with variable refresh rate capabilities. “We did some R&D and prototyping with OLED, but it’s still not where we want it to be when you factor VRR into the mix and we aren’t willing to give up VRR,” said Gordon. “I’ll draw that line in the sand right now. I am of the opinion that if a display doesn’t have variable refresh rate, it’s not a gaming display in the year 2025 as far as I’m concerned, right? That’s a must-have feature, and OLED with VRR right now draws significantly more power than the LCD that we’re currently using on the Ally and it costs more.” Explaining further that the decision ultimately also came down to keeping the pricing for both systems at reasonable levels, since buyers often tend to get handheld gaming systems as their secondary machiens, Gordon noted that both handhelds would have much higher price tags if OLED displays were used. “That’s all I’ll say about price,” said Gordon. “You have to align your expectations with the market and what we’re doing here. Adding 32GB, OLED, Z2 Extreme, and all of those extra bells and whistles would cost a lot more than the price bracket you guys are used to on the Ally, and the vast majority of users are not willing to pay that kind of price.” Shortly after its announcement, Microsoft and Asus had released a video where the two companies spoke about the various features of the ROG Xbox Ally and ROG Xbox Ally X. In the video, we also get to see an early hardware prototype of the handheld gaming system built inside a cardboard box. The ROG Xbox Ally runs on an AMD Ryzen Z2A chip, and has 16 GB of LPDDR5X-6400 RAM and 512 GB of storage. The ROG Xbox Ally X, on the other hand, runs on an AMD Ryzen Z2 Extreme chip, and has 24 GB of LPDDR5X-8000 RAM and 1 TB of storage. Both systems run on Windows. Tagged With: Elden Ring: Nightreign Publisher:Bandai Namco Developer:FromSoftware Platforms:PS5, Xbox Series X, PS4, Xbox One, PCView More FBC: Firebreak Publisher:Remedy Entertainment Developer:Remedy Entertainment Platforms:PS5, Xbox Series X, PCView More Death Stranding 2: On the Beach Publisher:Sony Developer:Kojima Productions Platforms:PS5View More Amazing Articles You Might Want To Check Out! Summer Game Fest 2025 Saw 89 Percent Growth in Live Concurrent Viewership Since Last Year This year's Summer Game Fest has been the most successful one so far, with around 1.5 million live viewers on ... Asus ROG Xbox Ally, ROG Xbox Ally X to Start Pre-Orders in August, Launch in October – Rumour A new report indicates that the ROG Xbox Ally will be priced at around €599, while the more powerful ROG Xbo... Borderlands 4 Gets New Video Explaining the Process of Creating Vault Hunters According to the development team behind Borderlands 4, the creation of Vault Hunters is a studio-wide collabo... The Witcher 4 Team is Tapping Into the “Good Creative Chaos” From The Witcher 3’s Development Narrative director Philipp Weber says there are "new questions we want to answer because this is supposed to f... The Witcher 4 is Opting for “Console-First Development” to Ensure 60 FPS, Says VP of Tech However, CD Projekt RED's Charles Tremblay says 60 frames per second will be "extremely challenging" on the Xb... Red Dead Redemption Voice Actor Teases “Exciting News” for This Week Actor Rob Wiethoff teases an announcement, potentially the rumored release of Red Dead Redemption 2 on Xbox Se... View More

The roster of skaters originally featured in Tony Hawk’s™ Pro Skater™ 3 and Tony Hawk’s™ Pro Skater™ 4 helped to further catapult skateboarding culture into the mainstream as big names like Bob Burnquist, Steve Caballero, Elissa Steamer, and Chad Muska joined Tony Hawk in a stacked roster of award-winning pro skaters capable of shredding in and out of the game. In this feature, following the Demo announcement and the full soundtrack reveal, we’re proud to share the full roster of returning skaters in the upcoming Tony Hawk’s™ Pro Skater™ 3 + 4arriving on PlayStation 4 and 5, Xbox Series X|S, Xbox One, Nintendo Switch, Nintendo Switch 2, and PC (Battle.net, Steam, Microsoft PC Store). Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 launches on July 11. THPS 3 + 4: Returning Skaters From gold medalists to progenitors of some of today’s most iconic skateboarding tricks, these classic skaters were instrumental in bringing skateboarding culture to a wider audience. Mixing courage, creativity, and an iron will, they’re more than ready to tackle any obstacle put before them. “Being in the original games was epic!” shares Elissa Steamer, who was the first playable female skater in the original Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater game. “It was semi-life changing. I can’t say enough about how stoked I was – and am now! – to be in the games.” “From the moment Tony asked, it was an honor, yet I had no idea of what it would come to mean,” says Rodney Mullen, originator of the kickflip and largely considered one of the most influential skaters in the sport. “The first time I showed up on tour after the release of the game, I recall ‘em shop owners having to put me on top of the tour van roof to manage so that I could sign things in all the madness. The crowd was rocking the van back and forth! [It] blew my mind, the impact it had.” “The game attracted such a broader group of skaters, which has elevated our community in layered ways: from tricks to societal acceptance to the respect we get from people who often thought otherwise, like parents discouraging their kids who were simply outsiders looking for a place to belong,” Mullen continues. “Skating is integrated with a culture, a way of being, more than pretty much any other sport I can think of. The way Tony’s game shows that via the music, art, and vibe batted this home. It’s cool to be understood.”  When Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 launches this July, here are the returning skaters ready to hit the pavement once again, including skaters featured in the original Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 and Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 4 games plus other titles in the series. Tony Hawk San Diego, California Style: Vert / Stance: Goofy Tony Hawk made history by landing the first ever 900 at the 1999 X Games, skyrocketing the sport into the mainstream. Today he remains the sport’s most iconic figure. Bob Burnquist Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Style: Vert / Stance: Regular Bob Burnquist shocked the skateboarding world when he landed the first Fakie 900. His iconic “Dreamland” skatepark is home to a permanent Mega Ramp. Bucky Lasek Baltimore, Maryland Style: Vert / Stance: Regular Known for his vert skills, Bucky has won 10 gold medals at the X Games and is one of only two vert skateboarders to have won three gold medals consecutively. Steve Caballero San Jose, California Style: Vert / Stance: Goofy An iconic skateboarder responsible for inventing various vert tricks. He holds the record for the highest air ever achieved on a halfpipe. Kareem Campbell Harlem, New York Style: Street / Stance: Regular Called the godfather of smooth street style, Kareem left his mark by popularizing the skateboard trick, “The Ghetto Bird,” and founded City Stars Skateboards. Geoff Rowley Liverpool, England Style: Street / Stance: Regular Geoff Joseph Rowley Jr. is an English skateboarder and owner of Civilware Service Corporation. In 2000 he was crowned “Skater of the Year” by Thrasher Magazine. Andrew Reynolds North Hollywood, California Style: Street / Stance: Regular Co-founder and owner of Baker Skateboards, Andrew Reynolds turned pro in 1995 and won Thrasher Magazine’s “Skater of the Year” award just three years later. Elissa Steamer San Francisco, California Style: Street / Stance: Regular Elissa is a four-time X Games gold medalist, the first female skateboarder to go pro, and the first woman ever inducted into the Skateboarding Hall of Fame. Chad Muska Los Angeles, California Style: Street / Stance: Regular Artist, musician, and entrepreneur. Described by the Transworld Skateboarding editor-in-chief as “one of the most marketable pros skateboarding has ever seen.” Eric Koston Los Angeles, California Style: Street / Stance: Goofy Co-founder of Fourstar Clothing and the skate brand The Berrics, Eric is a master of street skateboarding and a two-time X Games gold medalist. Rodney Mullen Gainesville, Florida Style: Freestyle / Stance: Regular One of the most influential skateboarders of all time, Rodney Mullen is the progenitor of the Flatground Ollie, Kickflip, Heelflip, and dozens of other iconic tricks. Jamie Thomas Dothan, Alabama Style: Street / Stance: Regular Nicknamed “The Chief,” Jamie is the owner and founder of Zero Skateboards. He helped film 1996’s “Welcome to Hell,” one of the most iconic skate videos ever made. Rune Glifberg Copenhagen, Denmark Style: Vert / Stance: Regular Nicknamed “The Danish Destroyer,” Rune Glifberg is one of three skaters to have competed at every X Games, amassing over 12 medals at the competition. Aori Nishimura Tokyo, Japan Style: Street / Stance: Regular Born in Edogawa, Tokyo in Japan, Aori Nishimura started skateboarding at the age of 7 and went on to become the first athlete from Japan to win gold at the X Games. Leo Baker Brooklyn, New York Style: Street / Stance: Goofy Leo is the first non-binary and transgender professional skateboarder in the Pro Skater™ series and has won three gold medals, placing in over 32 competitions.  Leticia Bufoni São Paulo, Brazil Style: Street / Stance: Goofy Multiple world record holder and six-time gold medalist. Named the #1 women’s street skateboarder by World Cup of Skateboarding four years in a row. Lizzie Armanto Santa Monica, California Style: Park / Stance: Regular A member of the Birdhouse skate team, Lizzie has amassed over 30 skateboarding awards and was the first female skater to complete “The Loop,” a 360-degree ramp. Nyjah Huston Laguna Beach, California Style: Street / Stance: Goofy One of skateboarding’s biggest stars, Nyjah has earned over 12 X Games gold medals, 6 Championship titles, and a bronze medal at the 2024 Summer of Olympics. Riley Hawk San Diego, California Style: Street / Stance: Goofy Riley Hawk decided to turn pro on his 21st birthday and became Skateboarder Magazine’s 2013 Amateur of the Year later that same day. Shane O’Neill Melbourne, Australia Style: Street / Stance: Goofy Australian skateboarder who is one of only a few skateboarders to win gold in all four major skateboarding contests, including the X Games and SLS. Tyshawn Jones Bronx, New York Style: Street / Stance: Regular A New York City native and two-time Thrasher Magazine “Skate of the Year” winner, Tyshawn Jones is the youngest skateboarder to ever achieve that accolade. The above skaters are far from the only icons you’ll encounter in the game’s large roster. Keep your eyes on the Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater blog found here for more info on Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 as we approach its July 11 release date, including the full reveal of new skaters joining in on the fun.  Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 rebuilds the original games from the ground up with classic and new skaters, parks, tricks, tracks, and more. Skate through a robust Career mode taking on challenges across two tours, chase high scores in Single Sessions and Speedruns, or go at your own pace in Free Skate. Get original with enhanced creation tools, go big in New Game+, and skate with your friends in cross-platform online multiplayer* supporting up to eight skaters at a time. New to the series? Hit up the in-game tutorial led by Tony Hawk himself to kick off your skating journey with tips on Ollies, kick flips, vert tricks, reverts, manuals, special tricks, and more. Don’t miss the Foundry Demo, available now, featuring playable skaters, two parks, and a selection of songs from the soundtrack. Pre-order Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 on select platforms* for access to the demo and find more info here. Purchase the Digital Deluxe Edition and gain Early Access*** to play Tony Hawk’s™ Pro Skater™ 3 + 4 three days before the official July 11 launch date. Shred the parks and spread fear as the Doom Slayer and Revenant skaters plus get extra music, skate decks, and Create-A-Skater gear: Doom Slayer: Play as Doom Slayer, featuring a Standard and Retro outfit plus two unique special tricks and the Unmaykr Hoverboard. Revenant: Get evil with the Revenant, including two unique special tricks. Additional Music: Headbang to a selection of classic and modern music tracks added to the in-game soundtrack. Skate Decks: Access additional skate decks including Doom Slayer and Revenant themed designs. Create-A-Skater Items: Kit out your skater with additional apparel items. Pre-orders are now available for Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater 3 + 4 on PlayStation 4 and 5, Xbox Series X|S, Xbox One, Nintendo Switch, and PC. For more information, visit tonyhawkthegame.com. * Activision account and internet required for online multiplayer and other features. Platform gaming subscription may be required for multiplayer and other features (sold separately). **Foundry demo available on PlayStation 4 and 5, Xbox Series X|S, Xbox One, and PC. Not available on Nintendo Switch. Foundry Demo availability and launch date(s) subject to change. Internet connection required. *** Actual play time subject to possible outages and applicable time zone differences.

How to Train Your Dragon - Limited Edition Steelbook (4K Blu-ray) $40 at Amazon | $47 at Walmart Preorder at Amazon Preorder at Walmart See all editions at Amazon The live-action remake of How to Train Your Dragon hits theaters this weekend, but fans can already start thinking about adding it to their media shelves. Preorders for the remake and a two-movie collection with the original animated hit are live now at major retailers. Big fans will want to check out the eye-catching Limited Edition Steelbook on 4K Blu-ray, which is available to preorder for $40 at Amazon and comes with a collectible medallion inside the case. We'll update this story when a release date and details about special features are announced. Here's a list of the seven editions of How to Train Your Dragon available to preorder at Amazon and Walmart. Continue Reading at GameSpot

“Wait, can users actually add products to the cart?”Every prototype faces that question or one like it. You start to explain it’s “just Figma,” “just dummy data,” but what if you didn’t need disclaimers?What if you could hand clients—or your team—a working, data-connected mock-up of their website, or new pages and components, in less time than it takes to wireframe?That’s the challenge we’ll tackle today. But first, we need to look at:The problem with today’s prototyping toolsPick two: speed, flexibility, or interactivity.The prototyping ecosystem, despite having amazing software that addresses a huge variety of needs, doesn’t really have one tool that gives you all three.Wireframing apps let you draw boxes in minutes but every button is fake. Drag-and-drop builders animate scroll triggers until you ask for anything off-template. Custom code frees you… after you wave goodbye to a few afternoons.AI tools haven’t smashed the trade-off; they’ve just dressed it in flashier costumes. One prompt births a landing page, the next dumps a 2,000-line, worse-than-junior-level React file in your lap. The bottleneck is still there. Builder’s approach to website mockupsWe’ve been trying something a little different to maintain speed, flexibility, and interactivity while mocking full websites. Our AI-driven visual editor:Spins up a repo in seconds or connects to your existing one to use the code as design inspiration. React, Vue, Angular, and Svelte all work out of the box. Lets you shape components via plain English, visual edits, copy/pasted Figma frames, web inspos, MCP tools, and constant visual awareness of your entire website. Commits each change as a clean GitHub pull request your team can review like hand-written code. All your usual CI checks and lint rules apply.And if you need a tweak, you can comment to @builderio-bot right in the GitHub PR to make asynchronous changes without context switching.This results in a live site the café owner can interact with today, and a branch your devs can merge tomorrow. Stakeholders get to click actual buttons and trigger real state—no more “so, just imagine this works” demos.Let’s see it in action.From blank canvas to working mockup in five promptsToday, I’m going to mock up a fake business website. You’re welcome to create a real one.Before we fire off a single prompt, grab a note and write:Business name & vibe Core pages Primary goal Brand palette & toneThat’s it. Don’t sweat the details—we can always iterate. For mine, I wrote:1. Sunny Trails Bakery — family-owned, feel-good, smells like warm cinnamon. 2. Home, About, Pricing / Subscription Box, Menu (with daily specials). 3. Drive online orders and foot traffic—every CTA should funnel toward “Order Now” or “Reserve a Table.” 4. Warm yellow, chocolate brown, rounded typography, playful copy.We’re not trying to fit everything here. What matters is clarity on what we’re creating, so the AI has enough context to produce usable scaffolds, and so later tweaks stay aligned with the client’s vision. Builder will default to using React, Vite, and Tailwind. If you want a different JS framework, you can link an existing repo in that stack. In the near future, you won’t need to do this extra step to get non-React frameworks to function.(Free tier Builder gives you 5 AI credits/day and 25/month—plenty to follow along with today’s demo. Upgrade only when you need it.)An entire website from the first promptNow, we’re ready to get going.Head over to Builder.io and paste in this prompt or your own:Create a cozy bakery website called “Sunny Trails Bakery” with pages for: • Home • About • Pricing • Menu Brand palette: warm yellow and chocolate brown. Tone: playful, inviting. The restaurant is family-owned, feel-good, and smells like cinnamon. The goal of this site is to drive online orders and foot traffic—every CTA should funnel toward "Order Now" or "Reserve a Table."Once you hit enter, Builder will spin up a new dev container, and then inside that container, the AI will build out the first version of your site. You can leave the page and come back when it’s done.Now, before we go further, let’s create our repo, so that we get version history right from the outset. Click “Create Repo” up in the top right, and link your GitHub account.Once the process is complete, you’ll have a brand new repo.If you need any help on this step, or any of the below, check out these docs.Making the mockup’s order system workFrom our one-shot prompt, we’ve already got a really nice start for our client. However, when we press the “Order Now” button, we just get a generic alert. Let’s fix this.The best part about connecting to GitHub is that we get version control. Head back to your dashboard and edit the settings of your new project. We can give it a better name, and then, in the “Advanced” section, we can change the “Commit Mode” to “Pull Requests.”Now, we have the ability to create new branches right within Builder, allowing us to make drastic changes without worrying about the main version. This is also helpful if you’d like to show your client or team a few different versions of the same prototype.On a new branch, I’ll write another short prompt:Can you make the "Order Now" button work, even if it's just with dummy JSON for now?As you can see in the GIF above, Builder creates an ordering system and a fully mobile-responsive cart and checkout flow.Now, we can click “Send PR” in the top right, and we have an ordinary GitHub PR that can be reviewed and merged as needed.This is what’s possible in two prompts. For our third, let’s gussy up the style.If you’re like me, you might spend a lot of time admiring other people’s cool designs and learning how to code up similar components in your own style.Luckily, Builder has this capability, too, with our Chrome extension. I found a “Featured Posts” section on OpenAI’s website, where I like how the layout and scrolling work. We can copy and paste it onto our “Featured Treats” section, retaining our cafe’s distinctive brand style.Don’t worry—OpenAI doesn’t mind a little web scraping.You can do this with any component on any website, so your own projects can very quickly become a “best of the web” if you know what you’re doing.Plus, you can use Figma designs in much the same way, with even better design fidelity. Copy and paste a Figma frame with our Figma plugin, and tell the AI to either use the component as inspiration or as a 1:1 to reference for what the design should be.(You can grab our design-to-code guide for a lot more ideas of what this can help you accomplish.)Now, we’re ready to send our PR. This time, let’s take a closer look at the code the AI has created.As you can see, the code is neatly formatted into two reusable components. Scrolling down further, I find a CSS file and then the actual implementation on the homepage, with clean JSON to represent the dummy post data.Design tweaks to the mockup with visual editsOne issue that cropped up when the AI brought in the OpenAI layout is that it changed my text from “Featured Treats” to “Featured Stories & Treats.” I’ve realized I don’t like either, and I want to replace that text with: “Fresh Out of the Bakery.”It would be silly, though, to prompt the AI just for this small tweak. Let’s switch into edit mode.Edit Mode lets you select any component and change any of its content or underlying CSS directly. You get a host of Webflow-like options to choose from, so that you can finesse the details as needed.Once you’ve made all the visual changes you want—maybe tweaking a button color or a border radius—you can click “Apply Edits,” and the AI will ensure the underlying code matches your repo’s style.Async fixes to the mockup with Builder BotNow, our pull request is nearly ready to merge, but I found one issue with it:When we copied the OpenAI website layout earlier, one of the blog posts had a video as its featured graphic instead of just an image. This is cool for OpenAI, but for our bakery, I just wanted images in this section. Since I didn’t instruct Builder’s AI otherwise, it went ahead and followed the layout and created extra code for video capability.No problem. We can fix this inside GItHub with our final prompt. We just need to comment on the PR and tag builderio-bot. Within about a minute, Builder Bot has successfully removed the video functionality, leaving a minimal diff that affects only the code it needed to. For example: Returning to my project in Builder, I can see that the bot’s changes are accounted for in the chat window as well, and I can use the live preview link to make sure my site works as expected:Now, if this were a real project, you could easily deploy this to the web for your client. After all, you’ve got a whole GitHub repo. This isn’t just a mockup; it’s actual code you can tweak—with Builder or Cursor or by hand—until you’re satisfied to run the site in production.So, why use Builder to mock up your website?Sure, this has been a somewhat contrived example. A real prototype is going to look prettier, because I’m going to spend more time on pieces of the design that I don’t like as much.But that’s the point of the best AI tools: they don’t take you, the human, out of the loop.You still get to make all the executive decisions, and it respects your hard work. Since you can constantly see all the code the AI creates, work in branches, and prompt with component-level precision, you can stop worrying about AI overwriting your opinions and start using it more as the tool it’s designed to be.You can copy in your team’s Figma designs, import web inspos, connect MCP servers to get Jira tickets in hand, and—most importantly—work with existing repos full of existing styles that Builder will understand and match, just like it matched OpenAI’s layout to our little cafe.So, we get speed, flexibility, and interactivity all the way from prompt to PR to production.Try Builder today.

Sovereignty has mattered since the invention of the nation state—defined by borders, laws, and taxes that apply within and without. While many have tried to define it, the core idea remains: nations or jurisdictions seek to stay in control, usually to the benefit of those within their borders. Digital sovereignty is a relatively new concept, also difficult to define but straightforward to understand. Data and applications don’t understand borders unless they are specified in policy terms, as coded into the infrastructure. The World Wide Web had no such restrictions at its inception. Communitarian groups such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation, service providers and hyperscalers, non-profits and businesses all embraced a model that suggested data would look after itself. But data won’t look after itself, for several reasons. First, data is massively out of control. We generate more of it all the time, and for at least two or three decades (according to historical surveys I’ve run), most organizations haven’t fully understood their data assets. This creates inefficiency and risk—not least, widespread vulnerability to cyberattack. Risk is probability times impact—and right now, the probabilities have shot up. Invasions, tariffs, political tensions, and more have brought new urgency. This time last year, the idea of switching off another country’s IT systems was not on the radar. Now we’re seeing it happen—including the U.S. government blocking access to services overseas. Digital sovereignty isn’t just a European concern, though it is often framed as such. In South America for example, I am told that sovereignty is leading conversations with hyperscalers; in African countries, it is being stipulated in supplier agreements. Many jurisdictions are watching, assessing, and reviewing their stance on digital sovereignty. As the adage goes: a crisis is a problem with no time left to solve it. Digital sovereignty was a problem in waiting—but now it’s urgent. It’s gone from being an abstract ‘right to sovereignty’ to becoming a clear and present issue, in government thinking, corporate risk and how we architect and operate our computer systems. What does the digital sovereignty landscape look like today? Much has changed since this time last year. Unknowns remain, but much of what was unclear this time last year is now starting to solidify. Terminology is clearer – for example talking about classification and localisation rather than generic concepts. We’re seeing a shift from theory to practice. Governments and organizations are putting policies in place that simply didn’t exist before. For example, some countries are seeing “in-country” as a primary goal, whereas others (the UK included) are adopting a risk-based approach based on trusted locales. We’re also seeing a shift in risk priorities. From a risk standpoint, the classic triad of confidentiality, integrity, and availability are at the heart of the digital sovereignty conversation. Historically, the focus has been much more on confidentiality, driven by concerns about the US Cloud Act: essentially, can foreign governments see my data? This year however, availability is rising in prominence, due to geopolitics and very real concerns about data accessibility in third countries. Integrity is being talked about less from a sovereignty perspective, but is no less important as a cybercrime target—ransomware and fraud being two clear and present risks. Thinking more broadly, digital sovereignty is not just about data, or even intellectual property, but also the brain drain. Countries don’t want all their brightest young technologists leaving university only to end up in California or some other, more attractive country. They want to keep talent at home and innovate locally, to the benefit of their own GDP. How Are Cloud Providers Responding? Hyperscalers are playing catch-up, still looking for ways to satisfy the letter of the law whilst ignoring (in the French sense) its spirit. It’s not enough for Microsoft or AWS to say they will do everything they can to protect a jurisdiction’s data, if they are already legally obliged to do the opposite. Legislation, in this case US legislation, calls the shots—and we all know just how fragile this is right now. We see hyperscaler progress where they offer technology to be locally managed by a third party, rather than themselves. For example, Google’s partnership with Thales, or Microsoft with Orange, both in France (Microsoft has similar in Germany). However, these are point solutions, not part of a general standard. Meanwhile, AWS’ recent announcement about creating a local entity doesn’t solve for the problem of US over-reach, which remains a core issue. Non-hyperscaler providers and software vendors have an increasingly significant play: Oracle and HPE offer solutions that can be deployed and managed locally for example; Broadcom/VMware and Red Hat provide technologies that locally situated, private cloud providers can host. Digital sovereignty is thus a catalyst for a redistribution of “cloud spend” across a broader pool of players. What Can Enterprise Organizations Do About It? First, see digital sovereignty as a core element of data and application strategy. For a nation, sovereignty means having solid borders, control over IP, GDP, and so on. That’s the goal for corporations as well—control, self-determination, and resilience. If sovereignty isn’t seen as an element of strategy, it gets pushed down into the implementation layer, leading to inefficient architectures and duplicated effort. Far better to decide up front what data, applications and processes need to be treated as sovereign, and defining an architecture to support that. This sets the scene for making informed provisioning decisions. Your organization may have made some big bets on key vendors or hyperscalers, but multi-platform thinking increasingly dominates: multiple public and private cloud providers, with integrated operations and management. Sovereign cloud becomes one element of a well-structured multi-platform architecture. It is not cost-neutral to deliver on sovereignty, but the overall business value should be tangible. A sovereignty initiative should bring clear advantages, not just for itself, but through the benefits that come with better control, visibility, and efficiency. Knowing where your data is, understanding which data matters, managing it efficiently so you’re not duplicating or fragmenting it across systems—these are valuable outcomes. In addition, ignoring these questions can lead to non-compliance or be outright illegal. Even if we don’t use terms like ‘sovereignty’, organizations need a handle on their information estate. Organizations shouldn’t be thinking everything cloud-based needs to be sovereign, but should be building strategies and policies based on data classification, prioritization and risk. Build that picture and you can solve for the highest-priority items first—the data with the strongest classification and greatest risk. That process alone takes care of 80–90% of the problem space, avoiding making sovereignty another problem whilst solving nothing. Where to start? Look after your own organization first Sovereignty and systems thinking go hand in hand: it’s all about scope. In enterprise architecture or business design, the biggest mistake is boiling the ocean—trying to solve everything at once. Instead, focus on your own sovereignty. Worry about your own organization, your own jurisdiction. Know where your own borders are. Understand who your customers are, and what their requirements are. For example, if you’re a manufacturer selling into specific countries—what do those countries require? Solve for that, not for everything else. Don’t try to plan for every possible future scenario. Focus on what you have, what you’re responsible for, and what you need to address right now. Classify and prioritise your data assets based on real-world risk. Do that, and you’re already more than halfway toward solving digital sovereignty—with all the efficiency, control, and compliance benefits that come with it. Digital sovereignty isn’t just regulatory, but strategic. Organizations that act now can reduce risk, improve operational clarity, and prepare for a future based on trust, compliance, and resilience. The post Reclaiming Control: Digital Sovereignty in 2025 appeared first on Gigaom.

Donald Trump’s military parade in Washington this weekend — a show of force in the capital that just happens to take place on the president’s birthday — smacks of authoritarian Dear Leader-style politics (even though Trump actually got the idea after attending the 2017 Bastille Day parade in Paris).Yet as disconcerting as the imagery of tanks rolling down Constitution Avenue will be, it’s not even close to Trump’s most insidious assault on the US military’s historic and democratically essential nonpartisan ethos.In fact, it’s not even the most worrying thing he’s done this week.On Tuesday, the president gave a speech at Fort Bragg, an Army base home to Special Operations Command. While presidential speeches to soldiers are not uncommon — rows of uniformed troops make a great backdrop for a foreign policy speech — they generally avoid overt partisan attacks and campaign-style rhetoric. The soldiers, for their part, are expected to be studiously neutral, laughing at jokes and such, but remaining fully impassive during any policy conversation.That’s not what happened at Fort Bragg. Trump’s speech was a partisan tirade that targeted “radical left” opponents ranging from Joe Biden to Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass. He celebrated his deployment of Marines to Los Angeles, proposed jailing people for burning the American flag, and called on soldiers to be “aggressive” toward the protesters they encountered.The soldiers, for their part, cheered Trump and booed his enemies — as they were seemingly expected to. Reporters at Military.com, a military news service, uncovered internal communications from 82nd Airborne leadership suggesting that the crowd was screened for their political opinions.“If soldiers have political views that are in opposition to the current administration and they don’t want to be in the audience then they need to speak with their leadership and get swapped out,” one note read.To call this unusual is an understatement. I spoke with four different experts on civil-military relations, two of whom teach at the Naval War College, about the speech and its implications. To a person, they said it was a step towards politicizing the military with no real precedent in modern American history.“That is, I think, a really big red flag because it means the military’s professional ethic is breaking down internally,” says Risa Brooks, a professor at Marquette University. “Its capacity to maintain that firewall against civilian politicization may be faltering.”This may sound alarmist — like an overreading of a one-off incident — but it’s part of a bigger pattern. The totality of Trump administration policies, ranging from the parade in Washington to the LA troop deployment to Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s firing of high-ranking women and officers of color, suggests a concerted effort to erode the military’s professional ethos and turn it into an institution subservient to the Trump administration’s whims. This is a signal policy aim of would-be dictators, who wish to head off the risk of a coup and ensure the armed forces’ political reliability if they are needed to repress dissent in a crisis.Steve Saideman, a professor at Carleton University, put together a list of eight different signs that a military is being politicized in this fashion. The Trump administration has exhibited six out of the eight.“The biggest theme is that we are seeing a number of checks on the executive fail at the same time — and that’s what’s making individual events seem more alarming than they might otherwise,” says Jessica Blankshain, a professor at the Naval War College (speaking not for the military but in a personal capacity).That Trump is trying to politicize the military does not mean he has succeeded. There are several signs, including Trump’s handpicked chair of the Joint Chiefs repudiating the president’s claims of a migrant invasion during congressional testimony, that the US military is resisting Trump’s politicization.But the events in Fort Bragg and Washington suggest that we are in the midst of a quiet crisis in civil-military relations in the United States — one whose implications for American democracy’s future could well be profound.The Trump crisis in civil-military relations, explainedA military is, by sheer fact of its existence, a threat to any civilian government. If you have an institution that controls the overwhelming bulk of weaponry in a society, it always has the physical capacity to seize control of the government at gunpoint. A key question for any government is how to convince the armed forces that they cannot or should not take power for themselves.Democracies typically do this through a process called “professionalization.” Soldiers are rigorously taught to think of themselves as a class of public servants, people trained to perform a specific job within defined parameters. Their ultimate loyalty is not to their generals or even individual presidents, but rather to the people and the constitutional order.Samuel Huntington, the late Harvard political scientist, is the canonical theorist of a professional military. In his book The Soldier and the State, he described optimal professionalization as a system of “objective control”: one in which the military retains autonomy in how they fight and plan for wars while deferring to politicians on whether and why to fight in the first place. In effect, they stay out of the politicians’ affairs while the politicians stay out of theirs.The idea of such a system is to emphasize to the military that they are professionals: Their responsibility isn’t deciding when to use force, but only to conduct operations as effectively as possible once ordered to engage in them. There is thus a strict firewall between military affairs, on the one hand, and policy-political affairs on the other.Typically, the chief worry is that the military breaches this bargain: that, for example, a general starts speaking out against elected officials’ policies in ways that undermine civilian control. This is not a hypothetical fear in the United States, with the most famous such example being Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s insubordination during the Korean War. Thankfully, not even MacArthur attempted the worst-case version of military overstep — a coup.But in backsliding democracies like the modern United States, where the chief executive is attempting an anti-democratic power grab, the military poses a very different kind of threat to democracy — in fact, something akin to the exact opposite of the typical scenario.In such cases, the issue isn’t the military inserting itself into politics but rather the civilians dragging them into it in ways that upset the democratic political order. The worst-case scenario is that the military acts on presidential directives to use force against domestic dissenters, destroying democracy not by ignoring civilian orders, but by following them.There are two ways to arrive at such a worst-case scenario, both of which are in evidence in the early days of Trump 2.0.First is politicization: an intentional attack on the constraints against partisan activity inside the professional ranks.Many of Pete Hegseth’s major moves as secretary of defense fit this bill, including his decisions to fire nonwhite and female generals seen as politically unreliable and his effort to undermine the independence of the military’s lawyers. The breaches in protocol at Fort Bragg are both consequences and causes of politicization: They could only happen in an environment of loosened constraint, and they might encourage more overt political action if gone unpunished.The second pathway to breakdown is the weaponization of professionalism against itself. Here, Trump exploits the military’s deference to politicians by ordering it to engage in undemocratic (and even questionably legal) activities. In practice, this looks a lot like the LA deployments, and, more specifically, the lack of any visible military pushback. While the military readily agreeing to deployments is normally a good sign — that civilian control is holding — these aren’t normal times. And this isn’t a normal deployment, but rather one that comes uncomfortably close to the military being ordered to assist in repressing overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations against executive abuses of power.“It’s really been pretty uncommon to use the military for law enforcement,” says David Burbach, another Naval War College professor (also speaking personally). “This is really bringing the military into frontline law enforcement when. … these are really not huge disturbances.”This, then, is the crisis: an incremental and slow-rolling effort by the Trump administration to erode the norms and procedures designed to prevent the military from being used as a tool of domestic repression. Is it time to panic?Among the experts I spoke with, there was consensus that the military’s professional and nonpartisan ethos was weakening. This isn’t just because of Trump, but his terms — the first to a degree, and now the second acutely — are major stressors.Yet there was no consensus on just how much military nonpartisanship has eroded — that is, how close we are to a moment when the US military might be willing to follow obviously authoritarian orders.For all its faults, the US military’s professional ethos is a really important part of its identity and self-conception. While few soldiers may actually read Sam Huntington or similar scholars, the general idea that they serve the people and the republic is a bedrock principle among the ranks. There is a reason why the United States has never, in over 250 years of governance, experienced a military coup — or even come particularly close to one.In theory, this ethos should also galvanize resistance to Trump’s efforts at politicization. Soldiers are not unthinking automatons: While they are trained to follow commands, they are explicitly obligated to refuse illegal orders, even coming from the president. The more aggressive Trump’s efforts to use the military as a tool of repression gets, the more likely there is to be resistance.Or, at least theoretically.The truth is that we don’t really know how the US military will respond to a situation like this. Like so many of Trump’s second-term policies, their efforts to bend the military to their will are unprecedented — actions with no real parallel in the modern history of the American military. Experts can only make informed guesses, based on their sense of US military culture as well as comparisons to historical and foreign cases.For this reason, there are probably only two things we can say with confidence.First, what we’ve seen so far is not yet sufficient evidence to declare that the military is in Trump’s thrall. The signs of decay are too limited to ground any conclusions that the longstanding professional norm is entirely gone.“We have seen a few things that are potentially alarming about erosion of the military’s non-partisan norm. But not in a way that’s definitive at this point,” Blankshain says.Second, the stressors on this tradition are going to keep piling on. Trump’s record makes it exceptionally clear that he wants the military to serve him personally — and that he, and Hegseth, will keep working to make it so. This means we really are in the midst of a quiet crisis, and will likely remain so for the foreseeable future.“The fact that he’s getting the troops to cheer for booing Democratic leaders at a time when there’s actually [a deployment to] a blue city and a blue state…he is ordering the troops to take a side,” Saideman says. “There may not be a coherent plan behind this. But there are a lot of things going on that are all in the same direction.”See More: Politics

“El Hombre y la Montaña” (December 31, 2020). All images courtesy of This Book Is True, shared with permission Punctured Photographs by Yael Martínez Illuminate the Daily Ruptures of Systemic Violence June 13, 2025 Grace Ebert The Mexican state of Guerrero lies on the southern Pacific coast and is home to the popular tourist destination of Acapulco. It’s also one of the nation’s most violent areas due to drug trafficking and cartel presence, and is one of six states that account for nearly half of the country’s total homicides. For artist and photographer Yael Martínez, the reality of organized crime became more pronounced when, in 2013, three of his family members disappeared. He began to speak with others in his community who had experienced similar traumas and to connect threads across the borders of Mexico to Honduras, Brazil, and the United States. “Itzel at home,” Guerrero, Mexico Luciérnagas, which translates to fireflies, comes from Martínez’s meditation on this extreme brutality that “infiltrates daily life and transforms the spirit of a place,” a statement says. Now published in a volume by This Book Is True, the poetic series punctures dark, nighttime photographs with minuscule holes. When backlit, the images bear a dazzling constellation of light that distorts the images in which violence isn’t depicted but rather felt. In one work, for example, a man holding a firework stands in a poppy field, a perforated cloud of smoke enveloping his figure. He’s performing an annual ritual on the sacred hill of La Garza, and the setting exemplifies a poignant contradiction between ancestral cultures and a crop that has been subsumed by capitalism and is essential to cartel power. A statement elaborates: We don’t see death in Luciérnaga, but its omnipresence is felt throughout, lingering in the shadows of each photograph. Each image painfully underwritten by the result of a calculated violence that visited unseen and undetected, leaving behind the immense void of a vanished loved one. And yet there is always a sense of hope that informs the making of this work. Luciérnagas is available from This Book Is True. Find more from Martínez on Instagram. “Toro” (2018), Guerrero, Mexico “Abuelo-Estrella” (December 21, 2020), Cochoapa El Grande, Guerrero, Mexico “Levantada de Cruz” (2021) “El Río de la Memoria y Mis Hijas” (2022) Next article

In 2024, Egypt completed its 1,155km stretch of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway, a 10,228km‑long road connecting 10 African countries – Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa.   The imaginary of ‘Cape to Cairo’ is not new. In 1874, editor of the Daily Telegraph Edwin Arnold proposed a plan to connect the African continent by rail, a project that came to be known as the Cape to Cairo Railway project. Cecil Rhodes expressed his support for the project, seeing it as a means to connect the various ‘possessions’ of the British Empire across Africa, facilitating the movement of troops and natural resources. This railway project was never completed, and in 1970 was overlaid by a very different attempt at connecting the Cape to Cairo, as part of the Trans‑African Highway network. This 56,683km‑long system of highways – some dating from the colonial era, some built as part of the 1970s project, and some only recently built – aimed to create lines of connection across the African continent, from north to south as well as east to west.  Here, postcolonial state power invested in ‘moving the continent’s people and economies from past to future’, as architectural historians Kenny Cupers and Prita Meier write in their 2020 essay ‘Infrastructure between Statehood and Selfhood: The Trans‑African Highway’. The highways were to be built with the support of Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana’s director of social welfare Robert Gardiner, as well as the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). This project was part of a particular historical moment during which anticolonial ideas animated most of the African continent; alongside trade, this iteration of Cape to Cairo centred social and cultural connection between African peoples. But though largely socialist in ambition, the project nevertheless engaged modernist developmentalist logics that cemented capitalism.  Lead image: Over a century in the making, the final stretches of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway are being finished. Egypt completed the section within its borders last year and a section over the dry Merille River in Kenya was constructed in 2019. Credit: Allan Muturi / SOPA / ZUMA / Alamy. Above: The route from Cairo to Cape Town, outlined in red, belongs to the Trans‑African Highway network, which comprises nine routes, here in black The project failed to fully materialise at the time, but efforts to complete the Trans‑African Highway network have been revived in the last 20 years; large parts are now complete though some links remain unbuilt and many roads are unpaved or hazardous. The most recent attempts to realise this project coincide with a new continental free trade agreement, the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), established in 2019, to increase trade within the continent. The contemporary manifestation of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway – also known as Trans‑African Highway (TAH) 4 – is marked by deepening neoliberal politics. Represented as an opportunity to boost trade and exports, connecting Egypt to African markets that the Egyptian government view as ‘untapped’, the project invokes notions of trade steeped in extraction, reflecting the neoliberal logic underpinning contemporary Egyptian governance; today, the country’s political project, led by Abdel Fattah El Sisi, is oriented towards Egyptian dominance and extraction in relation to the rest of the continent.  Through an allusion to markets ripe for extraction, this language brings to the fore historical forms of domination that have shaped the connections between Egypt and the rest of the continent; previous iterations of connection across the continent often reproduced forms of domination stretching from the north of the African continent to the south, including the Trans‑Saharan slave trade routes across Africa that ended in various North African and Middle Eastern territories. These networks, beginning in the 8th century and lasting until the 20th, produced racialised hierarchies across the continent, shaping North Africa into a comparably privileged space proximate to ‘Arabness’. This was a racialised division based on a civilisational narrative that saw Arabs as superior, but more importantly a political economic division resulting from the slave trade routes that produced huge profits for North Africa and the Middle East. In the contemporary moment, these racialised hierarchies are bound up in political economic dependency on the Arab Gulf states, who are themselves dependent on resource extraction, land grabbing and privatisation across the entire African continent.  ‘The Cairo–Cape Town Highway connects Egypt to African markets viewed as “untapped”, invoking notions steeped in extraction’ However, this imaginary conjured by the Cairo–Cape Town Highway is countered by a network of streets scattered across Africa that traces the web of Egyptian Pan‑African solidarity across the continent. In Lusaka in Zambia, you might find yourself on Nasser Road, as you might in Mwanza in Tanzania or Luanda in Angola. In Mombasa in Kenya, you might be driving down Abdel Nasser Road; in Kampala in Uganda, you might find yourself at Nasser Road University; and in Tunis in Tunisia, you might end up on Gamal Abdel Nasser Street. These street names are a reference to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s first postcolonial leader and president between 1956 and 1970.  Read against the contemporary Cairo–Cape Town Highway, these place names signal a different form of connection that brings to life Egyptian Pan‑Africanism, when solidarity was the hegemonic force connecting the continent, coming up against the notion of a natural or timeless ‘great divide’ within Africa. From the memoirs of Egyptian officials who were posted around Africa as conduits of solidarity, to the broadcasts of Radio Cairo that were heard across the continent, to the various conferences attended by anticolonial movements and postcolonial states, Egypt’s orientation towards Pan‑Africanism, beginning in the early 20th century and lasting until the 1970s, was both material and ideological. Figures and movements forged webs of solidarity with their African comrades, imagining an Africa that was united through shared commitments to ending colonialism and capitalist extraction.  The route between Cape Town in South Africa and Cairo in Egypt has long occupied the colonial imaginary. In 1930, Margaret Belcher and Ellen Budgell made the journey, sponsored by car brand Morris and oil company Shell Credit: Fox Photos / Getty The pair made use of the road built by British colonisers in the 19th century, and which forms the basis for the current Cairo–Cape Town Highway. The road was preceded by the 1874 Cape to Cairo Railway project, which connected the colonies of the British Empire Credit: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division This network of eponymous streets represents attempts to inscribe anticolonial power into the materiality of the city. Street‑naming practices are one way in which the past comes into the present, ‘weaving history into the geographic fabric of everyday life’, as geographer Derek Alderman wrote in his 2002 essay ‘Street Names as Memorial Arenas’. In this vein, the renaming of streets during decolonisation marked a practice of contesting the production of colonial space. In the newly postcolonial city, renaming was a way of ‘claiming the city back’, Alderman continues. While these changes may appear discursive, it is their embedding in material spaces, through signs and maps, that make the names come to life; place names become a part of the everyday through sharing addresses or giving directions. This quality makes them powerful; consciously or unconsciously, they form part of how the spaces of the city are navigated.  These are traces that were once part of a dominant historical narrative; yet when they are encountered in the present, during a different historical moment, they no longer act as expressions of power but instead conjure up a moment that has long passed. A street in Lusaka named after an Egyptian general made more sense 60 years ago than it does today, yet contextualising it recovers a marginalised history of Egyptian Pan‑Africanism.  Markers such as street names or monuments are simultaneously markers of anticolonial struggle as well as expressions of state power – part of an attempt, by political projects such as Nasser’s, to exert their own dominance over cities, towns and villages. That such traces are expressions of both anticolonial hopes and postcolonial state power produces a sense of tension within them. For instance, Nasser’s postcolonial project in Egypt was a contradictory one; it gave life to anticolonial hopes – for instance by breaking away from European capitalism and embracing anticolonial geopolitics – while crushing many parts of the left through repression, censorship and imprisonment. Traces of Nasser found today inscribe both anticolonial promises – those that came to life and those that did not – while reproducing postcolonial power that in most instances ended in dictatorship.  Recent efforts to complete the route build on those of the post‑independence era – work on a section north of Nairobi started in 1968 Credit: Associated Press / Alamy The Trans‑African Highway network was conceived in 1970 in the spirit of Pan‑Africanism At that time, the routes did not extend into South Africa, which was in the grip of apartheid. The Trans‑African Highway initiative was motivated by a desire to improve trade and centre cultural links across the continent – an ambition that was even celebrated on postage stamps There have been long‑standing debates about the erasure of the radical anticolonial spirit from the more conservative postcolonial states that emerged; the promises and hopes of anticolonialism, not least among them socialism and a world free of white supremacy, remain largely unrealised. Instead, by the 1970s neoliberalism emerged as a new hegemonic project. The contemporary instantiation of Cape to Cairo highlights just how pervasive neoliberal logics continue to be, despite multiple global financial crises and the 2011 Egyptian revolution demanding ‘bread, freedom, social justice’.  But the network of streets named after anticolonial figures and events across the world is testament to the immense power and promise of anticolonial revolution. Most of the 20th century was characterised by anticolonial struggle, decolonisation and postcolonial nation‑building, as nations across the global south gained independence from European empire and founded their own political projects. Anticolonial traces, present in street and place names, point to the possibility of solidarity as a means of reorienting colonial geographies. They are a reminder that there have been other imaginings of Cape to Cairo, and that things can be – and have been – otherwise. 2025-06-13 Kristina Rapacki Share

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