Photographer Who Scales Buildings to Get the Perfect Shot Arrested at Opening Night of His First Solo Exhibition Isaac Wright was detained for climbing the Empire State Building’s spire in 2024. The photo he took during the climb was on display at the show in New York City Lillian Ali - Staff Contributor May 21, 2025 2:01 p.m. And When We Die It Will Feel Like This (2023), one of Wright's photographs on display at the exhibition Drift / Robert Mann Gallery At the opening for his first solo gallery exhibition, photographer Isaac Wright was speaking with the crowd when a woman tapped him on his shoulder. She revealed that she was a plainclothes officer and told him he was under arrest. “I really thought it was a joke,” Wright, who is known as Drift, tells the New York Times’ The incident occurred just after 8 p.m. on May 15, the opening of Wright’s show, titled “Coming Home,” at the Robert Mann Gallery in New York City. After the plainclothes officer informed him of his arrest, uniformed officers entered the exhibition and led Wright to the back of a squad car. Wright’s lawyer, Priya Chaudhry, tells the Cincinnati Enquirer’s Cameron Knight that the artist has been charged with misdemeanor criminal trespassing. The charges are linked to a photograph on display at the exhibition, which Wright shot after climbing to the top of the spire of the Empire State Building in 2024. “Ansel Adams probably trespassed in his day to get a great photo; plenty of photographers did,” gallery owner Robert Mann, who has exhibited works by renowned photographers including Adams and William Eggleston, tells the Times. “But in all my years, I have never seen an artist taken out of an opening in cuffs.”Urban explorer Vitaliy Raskolov expressed a similar disbelief to Now Media’s Matt Medved, saying that over 16 years of scaling buildings and photographing his escapades, he had “never seen anything like this before.” Wright began climbing buildings in 2018 to cope with post-traumatic stress disorder resulting from his years of service in the Army. When he was stationed with a battalion in Louisiana, he started acting as an “ad hoc chaplain, filling in as needs dictated,” as the Cincinnati Enquirer reported in 2022. “Part of my job was helping our soldiers reintegrate into life at home after deployment,” Wright told the publication. “Without a chaplain in the unit, many soldiers came to me for counseling and to talk about their struggles with suicide.” At the end of his service, he was diagnosed with PTSD and depression. He decided to take up photography, and he found solace in the hobby. One day, he took the stairs to the roof of a skyscraper in Texas to get a more interesting shot. “[I] just ended up sitting there for two or three hours, all by myself, taking in the view,” he tells the Times. “And this wave of catharsis and peace came over me. I was so present and alive, and I remember thinking, ‘Oh my God, I don’t know what this is, but I have to keep doing it.’” The recent gallery opening wasn’t the first time Wright’s art has led to encounters with police. In late 2020, the artist, who is from Ohio, sneaked onto the rooftop of the Great American Tower, the tallest building in Cincinnati.Weeks later, police shut down an interstate to arrest him in Arizona. They had been told that he was a veteran with specialized military training and PTSD, and that he might be armed. “Five to ten officers approached my vehicle with handguns and assault rifles pointed at me,” he told the Cincinnati Enquirer After a judge set his bond at $400,000, Wright spent months in jail. He ultimately accepted a plea deal, agreeing to pay $5,500 in restitution and enroll in a treatment program. At that time, the artist had around 13,000 followers on Instagram. Today, he has about 225,000. Wright regularly posts and sells photos taken from the tall buildings he scales. In 2022, he donated $500,000 from his art sales to the Bail Project, which helps low-income Americans pay bail. Wright was released last week and is scheduled to return to court on June 4. The artist explains that this encounter with the law has been less harrowing than his previous arrests. “I had always been treated as some sort of dangerous weapon for what I do, even though I had never hurt anyone,” he tells the Times. “This time, the cops were very respectful. In the cop car, they even told me they liked the art.” “Coming Home” is on view at the Robert Mann Gallery in New York City through June 28, 2025. Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

US President Donald Trump is set to host a special dinner for the largest holders of his $TRUMP memecoin on May 22. President Trump is reportedly expected to dine with 220 holders of the "Official Trump" token at the Trump National Golf Club in Potomac Falls, Virginia. On the heels of the upcoming event, the price of the memecoin surged by over 11 percent to trade at $14.27 (roughly Rs. 1,222) on international exchanges on Wednesday.Meanwhile, a group of US senators and other individuals also plan to protest outside the golf course, accusing the President of using his political influence over the crypto market.Here's What We Know About the EventGuests have received a formal invitation to the event via email. The invite includes details on the dress code as well as timings for the event. All guests will reportedly need to submit to a background check before attending the galaEarlier this month, a Bloomberg report had highlighted that a majority of the top 25 $TRUMP token holders used foreign exchanges to purchase the memecoin, indicating they were based outside of the US.Justin Sun, the owner of the Tron blockchain, is among the VIP attendees of this gala dinner. At 1.4 million token holdings, Sun is listed as the largest holder of the memecoin. Sun confirmed Tuesday that he had received an invite to the event.“I'm excited to connect with everyone, talk crypto, and discuss the future of our industry,” Sun said in a post on X.Singapore-based crypto startup MemeCore is second on the Trump memecoin leaderboard and a representative from the company is likely to mark their presence, Fortune reported.The 220 dinner guests collectively hold an estimated $147.5 million (roughly Rs. 1,261 crore) worth of the $TRUMP token, that was launched on January 17.Trump Memecoin ProtestRobert Weissman from the nonprofit group Public Citizen is said to be organising the protest outside Trump's dinner venue. Democratic senator Jeff Merkley is also reportedly planning to join the protest.President Trump's son Eric Trump told the press that “most of these people are paid to protest”.At present, the Official Trump token ranks 37th on CoinMarketCap's crypto index. This means that the memecoin with the market cap of $2.86 billion (roughly Rs. 24,467 crore), is currently the 37th largest altcoin in the market. For the latest tech news and reviews, follow Gadgets 360 on X, Facebook, WhatsApp, Threads and Google News. For the latest videos on gadgets and tech, subscribe to our YouTube channel. If you want to know everything about top influencers, follow our in-house Who'sThat360 on Instagram and YouTube. Further reading: Cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, Memecoin, Trump token, Gala Dinner  Radhika Parashar Radhika Parashar is a senior correspondent for Gadgets 360. She has been reporting on tech and telecom for the last three years now and will be focussing on writing about all things crypto. Besides this, she is a major sitcom nerd and often replies in Chandler Bing and Michael Scott references. For tips or queries you could reach out to her at RadhikaP@ndtv.com. More Related Stories

Politics, you will notice, has gotten extremely weird.To some degree, of course, this is Donald Trump’s fault. No other president has seen the first part of their term defined by a fight over whether the federal government can send people living in the US to a prison in El Salvador with no due process. No other modern president has decided to ignore decades of settled economic and political wisdom and institute the biggest tariffs since the Hoover administration. No other president has waged war against the entire foundation of American science. Some weirdness is also the fault of Covid. The pandemic introduced a slew of policies that proved divisive, from mask mandates to vaccine mandates to funding for “gain of function” research to school closures. None of these were polarizing topics in 2019 because they either had never happened before or were too obscure for most people to care. And though we’re a few years past the worst days of the pandemic, the appointment of anti-vaxxer Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health and human services secretary shows just how central many of these topics remain.It’s this context that has made Congress’s debate over a multitrillion-dollar reconciliation bill so fascinating. The bill’s contents are still evolving, but the broad outlines are simple: trillions in tax cuts, tilted to the wealthy; hundreds of billions in spending cuts, particularly to programs for the poor like Medicaid and food stamps; over a hundred billion dollars in increased spending for defense.I know of no better summary of its effects than the above chart from the Urban Institute, which shows that it would make poor Americans earning less than $10,000 dramatically worse off (reducing their income by 14.9 percent) while affluent households earning over $200,000 would thrive.So, all in all, a terrible bill. But whatever else that proposal is, it’s startlingly normal for Republican politics. It represents ideas that have defined the Republican party and its economic and budgetary priorities since 1980, and which the party has strongly held to even in the face of Trump’s total takeover. The Republican party stands for lower taxes, especially on the rich; lower spending on programs for the poor; and big spending on defense. That’s what Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich, Paul Ryan, and other figures who defined the party have all stood for, for nearly half a century now.The extreme weirdness of national politics has led to a temptation to see a new Republican party just over the horizon, defined by rejecting its tax-cutting and program-slashing tradition. This is stoked by strategic leaks that Trump might be open to a higher tax rate on the richest Americans; by Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) condemning Medicaid cuts; by party figures like Vice President JD Vance suggesting a break from the party’s hawkish foreign policy.But the composition of the reconciliation bill suggests that when it comes to bread-and-butter economic issues, this is mostly a mirage. The essential Republican message may become blurred around the edges, the way that George W. Bush messed with it by expanding Medicare or his father did by accepting a small tax hike. But the deviations are swamped by the continuity. It’s not, in the ludicrous phrasing of Steve Bannon, a “workers’ party.”Congressional Republicans, led by Speaker Mike Johnson, have brought back normal politics, and for them that means one thing: redistributing income upward.The rise and persistence of Normal RepublicanismThis essential pattern of Republicans standing for across-the-board tax cuts and cuts to safety net programs has not always been the norm. Nothing in politics is truly permanent. As late as Richard Nixon, Republican presidents would propose ideas like a guaranteed minimum income and universal health coverage while actually raising taxes on the rich.The ground shifted in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when a small group of policy entrepreneurs in Washington centered around Congress member Jack Kemp (R-NY) began promoting across-the-board cuts to individual income tax rates as a solution to stagflation (the combination of slow growth and high inflation then characterizing the economy). In her history of this moment, Starving the Beast, sociologist Monica Prasad notes that major business lobbies at the time opposed this move. Their priority was corporate rate cuts and a balanced budget, and they saw individual cuts as a threat to both.Kemp and his allies, including soon-to-be-President Reagan, overcame corporate skepticism for one simple reason: The cuts were popular, and the public mood was becoming strongly anti-tax. At this point in time, the thresholds for tax rates were not indexed for inflation, which meant that more and more middle-class people were being pushed into higher and higher tax brackets every year without actually becoming richer as inflation worsened. These pressures had forced even Democrat Jimmy Carter to sign tax cuts in 1978, and they only built as inflation rose still further.Timeline of major Republican tax billsTax Reform Act of 1969 — signed by Richard Nixon, cracked down on foundations, extended a temporary across-the-board income tax hike to fund the war in Vietnam, and created the Alternative Minimum Tax, meant to target high-earners claiming many deductions and credits. On net, substantially raised taxes on the rich while cutting them for the poor.Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 — signed by Ronald Reagan, across-the-board cut in tax rates for individuals, with top rate falling from 70 percent to 50 percent. Tax thresholds now indexed for inflation. Businesses allowed to deduct expenses at an accelerated pace.Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982 — also signed by Reagan, undid most of the 1981 cuts to corporate taxes, but crucially kept the cuts on individuals in place.Tax Reform Act of 1986 — bipartisan legislation signed by Reagan that eliminated many deductions and credits and simplified the individual income tax to only two brackets (15 percent and 28 percent).Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1990 — signed by George H.W. Bush, added a 31 percent bracket on the rich to raise revenue on top of the 1986 law. Bill Clinton would add 36 percent and 39.6 percent rates in 1993.Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 — signed by Bill Clinton but championed by Republicans in Congress, created a $500 child tax credit and cut the capital gains rate from 28 percent to 20 percent.Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001 — signed by George W. Bush, slashed individual rates across the board, with the top rate falling from 39.6 percent to 35 percent, and gradually eliminated the estate tax. Initially set to expire in 2010. Extended temporarily by Barack Obama in 2010 as part of an economic stimulus deal, and then in 2012 permanently, but only for couples earning under $450,000.Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003 — signed by George W. Bush, cut taxes on dividend and interest income, and limited the Alternative Minimum Tax’s effects. Set to expire in 2010, like the 2001 cuts; largely expired under the 2012 Obama deal.Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 — signed by Donald Trump, cut individual rates with the top rate falling from 39.6 percent to 37 percent; doubled the standard deduction and consolidated personal and dependent exemptions into a larger child tax credit; dramatically cut the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 21 percent. While some cuts, like the corporate rate cut, were permanent, most of the bill is set to expire at the end of 2025.At the same time, Reagan and his team in the early 1980s were convinced that the US needed a major military buildout to counteract what they claimed had been a Soviet buildout in the 1970s. That led to a big increase in defense spending, from 6.6 percent of GDP in 1981 to 7.6 percent in 1985; at today’s size of the US economy, an equivalent increase would be about $290 billion more per year.To pay for at least some of this, Reagan’s first reconciliation bill included sweeping cuts to safety net programs, notably including Medicaid, food stamps, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). This, too, fit well with Reagan’s image. He had campaigned hard against establishing Medicare in the 1960s, and denunciations of “welfare queens” had been a prominent theme in his ultimately failed 1976 campaign for the presidency. This wasn’t the most popular part of the Reagan brand (he denounced “welfare queens” while trying to win the Republican primary, not the general), but it reflected both his genuine beliefs and the twin pressures of the tax cuts and defense buildout on the budget.This combination of policies was a profound break from the Nixon/Gerald Ford years, when tax cuts were not seriously considered, the priority with the Soviets was detente and arms control, and safety net programs were largely protected. And, sure enough, some Republicans continued to push back against the new regime. Sen. Bob Dole (R-KS) successfully fought to limit food stamps cuts; Congressional Republicans worked with Democrats to expand Medicaid throughout the 1980s over Reagan’s objections; most infamously, George H.W. Bush signed a bill adding a new 31 percent tax bracket for rich Americans in 1990, violating his pledge not to raise taxes.But for the most part, the pattern established by Reagan has persisted ever since, and deviations — like Bush’s tax hike, which contributed to his loss in 1992 — are remembered more as cautionary tales than examples to emulate.Look at the Contract With America, the Republicans’ platform during their successful 1994 bid to retake the House for the first time in over 40 years. It included tax cuts (like introducing a child tax credit and lower capital gains rates) and cuts to welfare and other safety net programs. While Bill Clinton was able to tamp down these demands somewhat, all became law in one form or another.A few years later, George W. Bush began his first term with sweeping across-the-board tax cuts, and his second with a failed effort to slash Social Security spending in favor of individual accounts. In the Obama years, Congressional Republicans, led by Paul Ryan, coalesced around plans for yet more across-the-board tax cuts and sweeping cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and other safety net programs. Under Trump, Ryan was able to pass the former, though his attempts at the latter through Obamacare repeal failed.Occasionally, a Republican politician will gesture at trying to break with this orthodoxy, and is invariably greeted with intrigued attention from the press. With George W. Bush in 2000, it was called “compassionate conservatism.” With Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty in 2005, it was “Sam’s Club Republicanism.” With then-Sen. Marco Rubio and his allies in the press circa 2014, it was “reform conservatism.” These days the preferred term for Sen. Josh Hawley and Vice President JD Vance seems to be “national conservative,” which, like the Sam’s Club and Reformocons before, purports to reject the tax-cutting orthodoxy of past Republicans in favor of a more communitarian vision — very little of which, of course, appears to have made its way into the budget bill. All of this has happened before, and all of this will happen again.A very Normal Republican budgetBut through each of these much-hyped fads, Normal Republicanism on the budget has survived more or less unchanged. The legacy of compassionate conservatism is a prescription drug benefit in Medicare administered by private insurers; the legacy of reform conservatism is mostly increasing the child tax credit from $1,000 to $2,000 in 2017. These are slight ripples in a pattern that has been remarkably persistent.The 2025 reconciliation package is a perfect illustration of these dynamics. Per a helpful tally by the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, the centerpiece of the legislation is the extension and expansion of Trump’s 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. The cuts here will cost over $4.1 trillion over a decade. Remarkably, some of the cuts aren’t even made permanent, but temporarily extended again, to artificially make the cost look lower than it is; if they’re extended still further, the total cost of the TCJA extensions would be more like $4.8 trillion.Deficits would surge dramatically due to the reconciliation bill. Committee for a Responsible Federal BudgetThese are tax cuts overwhelmingly tilted at the top. $1.4 trillion goes to repealing the Alternative Minimum Tax, which exists to prevent high-earners from taking excessive deductions; $2.2 trillion goes to cutting rates, including the top rate, which disproportionately helps the rich. The pass-through deduction, which arbitrarily lets some business owners exclude 20 percent of their profit from taxation, is extended and also expanded to 23 percent for no apparent reason, for a mere $820 billion. The Tax Policy Center has estimated that extending the TCJA increases incomes for the top 1 percent by an average of 3.7 percent, which swamps the 0.6 percent increase that the poorest fifth of Americans would get.On top of this, the House Ways and Means committee has thrown a potpourri of assorted other tax cuts: through 2028, for instance, tips, overtime income, and car loan interests would be tax-free, and senior citizens would get bigger standard deductions. The spending spree isn’t limited to taxes, either. There’s $144 billion from the Armed Services Committee, focused on shipbuilding ($32 billion) and “air superiority and missile defense” ($30 billion), and $67 billion for border security, including about $50 billion for Trump’s long-promised wall.The gross cost of all these giveaways hits around $5 trillion, before even considering the possibility that giveaways like the tips and overtime tax cuts are made permanent. But the net cost of the package, and impact on the defiict is “only” about $3.3 trillion, per the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. What makes up the difference? $698 billion comes from cuts to Medicaid; including other cuts to Affordable Care Act subsidies, the bill will deprive about 10 million people of health insurance. $559 billion comes from undoing most of the Inflation Reduction Act’s credits for clean energy and electric vehicles. $350 billion comes from cuts to education, heavily focused on student loan programs and subsidies meant to make them more affordable for borrowers. $267 billion comes from food stamps, slashing the program by about 30 percent overall.There’s a lot to say about this set of priorities. The Medicaid and food stamp cuts target the most vulnerable Americans and, combined with the tax cuts for the wealthy, amount to extreme upward redistribution. The Inflation Reduction Act cuts will likely substantially increase energy prices for most Americans, while substantially increasing emissions. I know of no serious economist who thinks that many of the most expensive provisions in the bill, like deductibility of overtime income or the pass-through business deduction, are effective ways to boost economic growth.But, at a moment where so many assumptions about politics have been overturned, the plan is not surprising. This is not a radically different Republican party newly attuned to the interests of the working class. It’s not a party whose tax-cutting passions have been tempered now that their president is imposing new taxes left and right on foreign imports in the form of tariffs (and which will be borne disproportionately by lower-income Americans). It’s not a party reflecting the fact that Medicaid recipients narrowly voted for Trump over Kamala Harris in 2024.It’s just the normal Reagan-Gingrich-Bush-Ryan Republican party, same as it’s ever been.Why, then, are people so eager to hear that the Republican party has changed? Part of it might be the simple fact that voters have had trouble accepting that a political party could actually be like this. When Priorities USA, a Democratic super-PAC in the 2012 election, told a focus group that Mitt Romney wanted to slash Medicare while cutting taxes on the rich, “the respondents simply refused to believe any politician would do such a thing,” per reporter Robert Draper. It does sound vaguely ridiculous: It defies common sense that cutting taxes on the wealthy and funding it with spending cuts on programs for poor and working people would ever be a compelling political message, perhaps outside the extreme inflationary environment of the 1970s that birthed Reagan’s presidency.But ridiculous or not, that’s the world we have. The Republican Party’s budgetary views simply have not changed. They want to blow up the deficit with massive tax cuts tilted toward the rich and pay for a fraction of the cost by slashing programs for the poor. It’s really that simple. It may not be exciting or brand new. But it’s normal Republican policymaking, and it’s back with a vengeance.See More:

In Brief Posted: 6:03 AM PDT · May 21, 2025 Image Credits:Robert Nickelsberg / Getty Images Coinbase says its data breach affects at least 69,000 customers Coinbase said at least 69,461 customers had personal and financial information stolen during a months-long data breach that it disclosed last week. The crypto giant confirmed the number of affected customers in a filing with Maine’s attorney general on Wednesday, as required by the state’s data breach notification law.  Coinbase’s filing said the breach dates back to December 26, 2024, and continued until earlier this month, when the company said it received a “credible” ransom note from the hacker claiming it had stolen customer data.  In a blog post, Coinbase said the hacker demanded $20 million in a ransom payment to delete the data, which Coinbase refused to pay. The company said the hacker bribed Coinbase customer support workers into accessing customers’ data over a period of several months.  The hacker stole customer names, email and postal addresses, phone numbers, government-issued identity documents, account balances, and transaction histories, amid fears that wealthy customers could be targeted. Topics

The Goizuetas, with three grown children and homes in Florida and Connecticut, have a veritable treasure-filled prior history, replete with some personal pieces that Dembo designed, measuredly, around. Consider the two guest bedrooms: “They were just white boxes,” says Dembo. But Elizabeth’s childhood bed proved to be a jumping-off point. “‘Wow, I’m going to design a whole room around this bed,’” the designer recalls, cast against a modernist, peach-nude wall mural from Fromental, a family heirloom desk, and bedside table imbue a layer of lineal history. Then, there’s a sculpture by Elizabeth’s brother Joe Thompson, titled Soho Cobbler, and crafted from shoes. Dembo placed it at the end of a hallway, a commanding location and a better-fitting one for a piece that had at first been placed in a closet in the primary bedroom.Collaboration was critical to the collectors. “A lot of the ideas that Hadas brought to the table, I wanted to wait and see how I felt about them for a while,” says Elizabeth, noting it took two years to procure bedroom chairs and a bit longer for the console. “She had a lot of great ideas which I originally rejected, and then we ended up going right back, full circle, to those ideas again, because it just takes me a little bit of time to ascertain if I really want something or not,” she says. “She understood very well what type of collector and person I am, and she waited.”The Pierre Abramovich sofa joins the couple’s vintage wood dining table, a Sergio Rodrigues hexagonal coffee, and a selection of antiques and vintage pieces that include Joaquim Tenreiro lounge chairs; a Charlotte Perriand Cansado Bench; Mies van der Rohe Cantilever chairs; and a 19th-century altar from Navarra, Spain. A second sofa, by Joaquim Tenreiro via R & Company, presides at left. The walls are clad in Dedar’s crepe wool fabric and limewash paint. The glass vase is by Thaddeus Wolfe; the Hombre silk pillows on the bench are by ABC Carpet & Home; and the glass bowl is by Jeff Zimmerman. A dramatic focal point of the dining area is the Deborah Thomas glass chandelier. The open-plan living-dining area transformed into the true artistic axis of the home, providing ample room to showcase an array of photography, painting, sculpture, and period furnishings. Works by surrealist painter Roberto Matta, a sculpture by Elizabeth’s father, and a Pierre Abramovich sofa are at home here, along with a new favorite of the couple’s, a hexagonal coffee of marble and rosewood by Brazilian furnituremaker Sergio Rodrigues. For the couple, who have traveled frequently to Mexico, Rodrigues’s work had special resonance. “I really like the way that the Brazilian furniture echoes, a little bit, the furniture by Luis Barragán,” shares the homeowner.A dramatic focal point of the dining area, Deborah Thomas’s glass chandelier from R & Company, is crafted from broken glass bottles. “I love the humble origins of it, and the idea that the eyes can play tricks on you—let your imagination assume that it’s something else, something much more elevated, perhaps, than just broken-up bottles,” says Elizabeth. And a curation of antiques and vintage pieces comprising Joaquim Tenreiro lounge chairs, the Cansado bench by Charlotte Perriand, Mies van der Rohe Cantilever chairs, and a 19th-century altar from Navarra, Spain, form a thoughtful composition. “When it’s successful,” says Dembo, “it looks like it just happened, but when it’s not it looks too worked-over. Always, what I’m trying to do is to get a mix.”

I started writing my own film scripts when I was ten, and I basically wanted to be Indiana Jones. Well, I wanted to be Indy, the director and the guy who did the stunts and the storyboards after seeing Temple of Doom with my dad at the Harrogate Odeon. He'd bought me the Official Souvenir Magazine – I knew it was important – which was full of colourful costume sketches, storyboards detailing some of the action I'd just seen, and glossy pictures of cast and crew in glamorous locations. I think that was the first time I had an inkling of what I wanted to do with my life, but growing up in a small Yorkshire town wasn't exactly conducive to being Indiana Jones: the most useful film locations there were my buddy Richard's back garden and the local woods, but we endeavoured and made a three-minute epic where I, as Indy, swung across imagined alligator-infested swamps and ran through not-so-dense forests pursued by invisible tribesmen. Growing up in the Eighties was a fertile time for the imagination of anyone, particularly anyone who wanted to follow in the footsteps of Lucas and Spielberg. By the time I'd left school prematurely at sixteen and worked as a film assistant (when TV used to be shot on film) before returning to higher education, my friend Derek had already worked on the new Star Wars film, rubbed shoulders with Robert Altman and Tim Burton, and slept on a lot of mates' sofas. That, I thought, was my next goal. Not the sofas part – the working on big movies part. World History Archive / Alamy Stock Photo But again, there's this persistent myth that one has to "break into" the film industry, as Spielberg himself did; all one has to do is occupy an empty office at a film studio and pretend one works there until one does. The sad truth is that the film industry doesn't want you. I mean, it might do – but it just doesn't know it yet. Either way, you hear all kinds of motivational and anti-motivational stories in the press: everything from "Just pick up a phone and make a film" to "You can't just pick up a phone and make a film." Or "don't ask permission: be a rebel and just do what you want" but then also "make friends with producers and nurture working relationships" to get your films made. So which is it? I'm here to tell you it's both. I had years of making my own feature films (four to date) where I didn't ask permission to do so, just found private investors and gathered a cast and crew each time, to different levels of ambition and difficulty. There's a Spielberg quote in the Official Souvenir Magazine of Temple of Doom that I always remember, and it's something like: "You look at the script and think, how are we going to do all this? But somehow or other, it gets done." That's been the driving force of every movie I've made to date: we found the money, we gathered the crew, we did everything. Sure, some of them played in cinemas and then didn't do anything else (my first was deemed "too cheap" for a home release), but some won awards, and one even made it to Blu-ray. Score! But then came the pandemic, and I'd be lying if I didn't say it punctured the ambitions of just about everyone. It was not just the personal crises, loss, and fear it faced us with, but also the seemingly insurmountable heights to scale to get films made – which was already a challenge. In 2020, you might have thought things were picking up speed: we released our latest lo-fi feature film – the zombie comedy Zomblogalypse, which ended up on the aforementioned Blu-ray – in cinemas and film festivals, and I met with producers to sign a script deal for my ambitious action-horror. And then came about two years of "the market is dead" and "no one's making anything at the moment" and a hundred times the usual cliched setback talk of "it's not a good time right now…" except it was painfully, abundantly clear that this was in fact true. Zomblogalypse So during this time, all the while trying in earnest to get any movie off the ground (and we're talking baby budgets here), somewhere during the process, I decided to stop thinking of myself as a producer and director and just be a writer for a while. This was partly due to the amount of times I was told in producer meetings – both in TV and film – that they'd find a director for my script. And a co-writer. And a development executive. Now, I knew who all these people were because I'd read my Indiana Jones Official Souvenir Magazine, but the key point was that I needed to stop trying to do everything and focus on the scripts. A director, unless they're Mr Spielberg, can only direct every few years, while a writer can always write on a notepad by the bed, on the Notes app on their phone (which is how I'm writing this), on their laptop with half an hour to spare, and so forth. And yes, you're saying, but what if a writer doesn't have half an hour to spare because of their job or their family? And to that, I say yes, noted, but… you have to write. Find the time. In every minimum wage job I ever had, I wrote scripts. Sorry, former employers: you were all funding my screenwriting habit. I actually left secure and (under)paid employment fifteen years ago this very week and haven't looked back – but that's another story... Steven Spielberg (around 1995) – Pictorial Press Ltd / Alamy Stock Photo The point (finally) is that I decided to double down as a writer and pen a movie trilogy. Why, you ask? As if it isn't hard enough getting one screenplay written and submitted to a producer. And it is hard: I submitted my action-horror to my producer five years ago, after five years of scribbling and re-drafting and working with a co-writer and trying to get the damn thing self-financed and finally getting an industry producer to read it… why would I now, while I wait for that one to bear fruit – through strikes and fires and other Hollywood nonsense – go and do something stupid like write a trilogy? It comes down to that rebellious notion of not asking permission. I've got a trilogy in me (after years of working out several individual scripts and realising they're all linked thematically), so why not go for broke and write all three? Advice from my peers so far is a mix of "just write one and sell that first" because that's hard enough, and "f^&k yeah, go for it! No one else is writing a trilogy!" So, having written what has now evidently become the middle chapter, I've set to work on writing the first and drafting out the third. They're a mix of genres, but each one does stand alone, just in case I'm only able to get one into production (they're action thriller, sci-fi romcom, and action horror, in case you wondered). I don't know how wise it's going to prove to write three films at once, but so far, I'm enjoying the challenge. Pictorial Press Ltd / Alamy Stock Photo I'm a huge fan of the Back to the Future trilogy (who isn't) and how Bobs Zemeckis and Gale wrote the second and third as back-to-back projects, so I'm inspired by that and other well-made trilogies like Ginger Snaps and the more recent Fear Street. I like the format, and I've never written this way before. But after five years of stalled production and juggling one-off ideas (there are currently about twenty in my In Development folder), I'm doubling down for what, at age fifty, is my most ambitious project to date: writing a trilogy that may never get made, but which I'll do everything to try and get made. I'd rather make up for lost time than not make anything again. And as a writer, it's the ultimate project. Who doesn't love a trilogy? Hopefully, one day, a producer will agree with me that being this insanely ambitious is the way forward. Because I've been hiding in the shadows for too long as a struggling director, it's time to be a writer!

The Trump administration is working to limit access to covid booster shots by creating more regulatory hoops for companies developing vaccines for “healthy persons.” The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) says it’s only prioritizing covid vaccine approvals for adults older than 65 and others over the age of 6 months who have at least one “risk factor” for a severe case of covid-19. “The FDA will approve vaccines for high-risk persons and, at the same time, demand robust, gold-standard data on persons at low risk,” FDA officials write in commentary laying out their plans in the New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM). The move comes as notorious antivax crusader Robert F. Kennedy reshapes the US Department of Health and Human Services, recently pushing out the FDA’s top vaccine official and thousands of other federal health workers. Some public health experts are already voicing skepticism over whether the FDA’s new guidance for covid boosters will reap any benefits. “This is overly restrictive and will deny many people who want to be vaccinated a vaccine.”“This is overly restrictive and will deny many people who want to be vaccinated a vaccine,” Anna Durbin, director of the Center for Immunization Research at Johns Hopkins University, said in an email to the New York Times.“The only thing that can come of this will make vaccines less insurable and less available,” Paul Offit, a vaccine scientist, virologist, and professor of pediatrics at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, told The Associated Press.The FDA says it will require more data from additional clinical trials before approvals can be granted for covid-19 vaccines being developed for people not considered to be at heightened risk from severe sickness. It says 100 to 200 million Americans will still have annual access to covid vaccines after its policy change. That would be less than 60 percent of the US population. Last week, the agency approved the Novavax covid-19 vaccine for only older adults and people at higher risk from the disease.“We simply don’t know whether a healthy 52-year-old woman with a normal BMI who has had Covid-19 three times and has received six previous doses of a Covid-19 vaccine will benefit from the seventh dose,” the NEJM commentary says. But previous CDC studies have shown that getting a booster can help prevent mild to moderate cases of covid up to six months after getting the shot regardless of whether a person is at higher risk or not, Offit tells The Associated Press. And even if someone does get sick, being vaccinated can make the illness shorter and less severe and reduce the risk of developing long covid, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.The rate of covid-19-associated hospitalizations was 71.2 per 100,000 people during the 2024–25 season, according to the CDC — although hospitals haven’t been required to report covid-related hospital admissions to HHS since May of last year. Vaccines are an important safeguard for people with a weakened immune system. The FDA’s new directive raises questions about whether people considered healthy will be able to get vaccinated if they want to protect someone close to them who’s at greater risk.In the NEJM article, the FDA notes that covid booster uptake has been low in the US, with less than a quarter of people getting the shot each year. “There may even be a ripple effect: public trust in vaccination in general has declined,” it says.RelatedDeath is the policyKennedy, meanwhile, has a long history of spreading disinformation about vaccines, advocacy for which he has been paid hundreds of thousands of dollars and profited from during the covid pandemic. “It has become clear that truth and transparency are not desired by the Secretary, but rather he wishes subservient confirmation of his misinformation and lies,” Peter Marks, former director of the FDA’s Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research (CBER) that regulates vaccines, wrote in a resignation letter in March.See More:

The Food and Drug Administration plans major changes for how Covid vaccines are rolled out and who will be able to get the updated shots this fall. In a paper published Tuesday in the New England Journal of Medicine, the FDA commissioner, Dr. Marty Makary, and Dr. Vinay Prasad, the FDA’s new vaccine chief, wrote that any new Covid vaccine now must undergo placebo-controlled clinical trials — meaning some people would get the actual vaccine while others would get an inactive substance like a saline shot, to compare results. At a planned FDA vaccine panel meeting Thursday, agency advisers are expected to advise the vaccine makers about which strains to target for new shots. The new clinical trial requirement isn't expected to affect the fall rollout for older adults and other people at high risk for severe illness because drugmakers are exempt from additional testing for those groups. Makary and Prasad said in a question-and-answer session later Tuesday that annual shots for healthy children and adults would no longer be routinely approved. They also suggested that the vaccines may not be updated every year.“Instead of having a Covid strategy that’s year to year, why don’t we let the science tell us when we should change?” Prasad said. “The virus doesn’t have a calendar.”Previously, updated Covid vaccines had been cleared by the FDA similar to flu vaccines. The original Covid shots, from Pfizer and Moderna, approved in late 2020, went through placebo-controlled trials. Then, the drugmakers transitioned to smaller studies to test how well the updated shots triggered immune responses against the current variants circulating in the U.S.In the journal article, Makary and Prasad cast doubt on the flu vaccine model, noting that only a quarter of people in the U.S. get the updated shots each year, including less than a third of health care workers. In comparison, about 75% of health care workers get seasonal flu shots, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The Covid shot policy, the officials wrote, “has sometimes been justified by arguing that the American people are not sophisticated enough to understand age- and risk-based recommendations.” “We reject this view,” they added. Dr. Jesse Goodman, a professor of medicine and infectious disease at Georgetown University and a former chief scientist at the FDA, agreed that people can understand their own health risks but was skeptical of the agency’s new approach, saying it limits people’s “freedom to choose.”“What about people with elderly or high risk relatives/housemates?” he wrote in an email. “What about people who are not at increased risk of severe disease who want to reduce their risk of infection or time off from work?”During the webcast, Prasad claimed that “there is no high-quality evidence that you getting a booster to visit your grandma protects your grandma.”Who will be able to get the Covid shots?Under the FDA’s new guidance, the drugmakers will need to run new trials that track participants for at least six months. The main goal of the trials should be to show that the shots help prevent symptomatic Covid, the officials wrote, with data showing at least 30% effectiveness. People who’ve had Covid in the past should still be included in the trial to better reflect the general population, they said. Drugmakers can still use smaller studies, known as immunogenicity studies, to get approval for adults 65 and up, as well as children and adults with at least one medical condition that puts them at higher risk for Covid. The FDA said many people are considered at high risk, including pregnant women and those with obesity or who have mental health conditions such as depression. Other conditions linked to severe Covid illness include diabetes, heart disease and asthma. “Ultimately, these studies alone can provide reassurance that the American repeat-boosters-in-perpetuity strategy is evidence-based,” the officials wrote.Estimates, they said, suggest that 100 million to 200 million people in the U.S. will have access to the updated vaccines.The FDA’s mandate comes ahead of Thursday’s vaccine advisory committee meeting, where outside experts will discuss which strains should be included in the next round of Covid shots. In briefing documents published earlier Tuesday, FDA staff members wrote that updating the vaccines to more closely match currently circulating strains may “provide added benefit” in anticipation of an uptick in cases during the fall and winter.The change means it will be near impossible for Pfizer and Moderna to complete the new trials in time for the fall season. Aside from running the trials, the drugmakers will still need to design the trials and enroll participants, which can also take several weeks or months.A medical professional prepares a Pfizer Covid-19 vaccine booster shot in Freeport, NY., on Nov. 30, 2021.Steve Pfost / Newsday via Getty Images fileThe data would then need to be analyzed and signed off on by the FDA. It’s also unclear what the change will mean for healthy children and adults who want to get the updated shots. Dr. Paul Offit, the director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia and a member of the FDA’s vaccine advisory committee, said people considered at “low risk” can still be harmed by the virus.“Low risk doesn’t mean no risk,” he said. “I mean, anybody can be hospitalized and killed by the virus.”Goodman questioned why the FDA was making the change instead of the CDC’s independent vaccine advisory committee, known as the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, which typically makes recommendations on who should get the Covid shots. “It is not clear why there was a compelling reason for FDA to step in and preempt that usual and publicly transparent consultative process,” he said. Kennedy's influence on vaccine rulesA change to the way Covid vaccines are updated was expected. Earlier this month, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. mandated that all new vaccines must undergo placebo-controlled clinical trials. Until Tuesday, it wasn’t clear whether HHS considered Pfizer’s and Moderna’s updated shots “new vaccines,” requiring new clinical trials.Former government health officials feared that the FDA, under Kennedy, was moving to slow-walk vaccine approvals.Over the weekend, the FDA approved Novovax’s vaccine after weeks of delay. In an unexpected turn, however, the agency limited the use of the shot to people 65 and up and teens and adults with at least one medical condition that puts them at risk of severe illness. Typically, it’s the CDC that makes recommendations about who should get the vaccines. Makary had warned about changes to the way vaccines are tested and approved, saying last week that the agency would soon “unleash a massive framework.” Kennedy has long opposed vaccines, including the Covid shot. In 2021, he submitted a citizens’ petition requesting that the FDA revoke the authorization of the Covid vaccines. The same year, he called the Covid shots “the deadliest vaccine ever made,” citing rare cases of myocarditis in young men. Studies find that the risk of myocarditis is higher — and typically more severe — in people with a Covid infection than after the vaccine. Last week, at a Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee hearing, Kennedy also falsely claimed that the only vaccines tested against a placebo were the Covid shots. The move prompted committee chair Bill Cassidy, R-La., to later pause the hearing to correct Kennedy.“For the record, that’s not true. Rotavirus, measles and HPV vaccines have been [evaluated against a placebo], and some vaccines are tested against previous versions. So just for the record, to set that straight,” said Cassidy, who is a physician.Kennedy isn’t the only health official who has been critical of the Covid vaccines. Makary; Prasad; Dr. Tracy Beth Hoeg, a special advisor to Makary; and Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, the head of the National Institutes of Health, have, as well.

George Wendt, best known for his portrayal of barfly Norm Peterson on the hit sitcom Cheers, has died at the age of 76.Wendt’s passing was confirmed by his publicist, who released the following statement: “George was a doting family man, a well-loved friend and confidant to all of those lucky enough to have known him. He will be missed forever. The family has requested privacy during this time.”Born and raised in Chicago, Wendt honed his comedy chops as part of Second City in the 1970s. After six years with the improv troupe, he transitioned into an acting career, initially getting small parts in films and TV shows.When Wendt landed the role of Norm on Cheers, which debuted in September 1982, he was able to call upon the skills he’d acquired at Second City. The key, he’d later explain, came from his character’s authenticity. “You make it sound real. If people stop believing you, you’re just telling jokes,” Wendt remarked in a 1983 interview. “That’s the way I do Norm. I don’t try to punch it up or joke it up.”READ MORE: When 'Cheers' Debuted With a Perfect Pilot EpisodeWhile Cheers was a little slow to catch on with viewers, it eventually became a ratings juggernaut. The series was regularly one of the most watched comedies on television, racking up awards along the way. Wendt was nominated for an Emmy six years in a row for his portrayal of Norm, though he never took home an award.Still, even in an ensemble cast that featured such heavyweights as Ted Danson, Kelsey Grammar and Woody Harrelson, Wendt managed to shine. His embodiment of Norm – gruff and brutish at times, sweet and supportive at others – endeared him to generations of TV watchers. In each episode, yells of “Norm!” would welcome the character whenever he entered the show’s namesake bar. That exuberance was shared by viewers at home, happy to welcome one of their favorite characters to the screen.What Did George Wendt Do After 'Cheers'?Over the years, Wendt remained humble about his time on Cheers. “Norm is just me with better writing," he told Chicago Magazine in 2021. "There were hundreds, if not thousands, of actors who could have delivered on the absolute gems that I was handed on a silver platter every Wednesday morning.”READ MORE: Remembering the Final Cheers EpisodeAfter Cheers ended in 1993, Wendt continued to land plenty of work. He made guest appearances on everything from Columbo to Seinfeld, lent his voice to episodes of The Simpsons and Family Guy and even had his own short-lived series, The George Wendt Show.The actor also cemented his place in Saturday Night Live history thanks to his appearances in the recurring sketch, Bill Swerski's Superfans. Famous for the “Da Bears” catchphrase, as well as a boundless loyalty to coach Mike Ditka, Wendt, Mike Myers, Chris Farley and Robert Smigel embodied a quartet of Chicago sports fans that left viewers at home in stitches.Watch George Wendt on Saturday Night LiveIn Memoriam: 2025 DeathsA look at those we've lost.Gallery Credit: Ultimate Classic Rock Staff

Not every client has a firm grasp on their priorities when starting a project, but the marching orders from one Central Texas couple were abundantly clear: They wanted to convert a classic car garage on their estate into a dance hall and speakeasy, creating their own social sanctuary. After enlisting designer Sarah Stacey to bring their vision to life, that “simple” project quickly catapulted into a four-year, all-encompassing design journey when the pair added the renovation of their 4,900-square-foot primary home into the scope. It was during this time that Stacey, an avid auction enthusiast, shared her passion and expertise with her clients. “Walking through auction previews is thrilling—you wonder who owned the items and how they were used. You can feel the history,” she explains. “New homes need stories; we can design an entire room around a piece. Plus, you can save a lot of money at these events.”But before the bidding wars came planning. Stacey reimagined the space that once housed the former owner’s car collection as a moody billiards club, replete with plenty of lounge seating, a full bar salvaged from a Ruth’s Chris Steak House, and vintage collectibles, including an original Jimi Hendrix guitar. To separate the dance hall from the speakeasy, she cleverly utilized an iconic British telephone booth as the secret entrance from one area to the other. A simple push of the back wall gets you in—if you know there’s a door, that is. This is a dopamine interior.... It’s immersive and just makes you happy.For the main house, the objective was to embrace the home’s original Mediterranean style, but amplify it with a series of thoughtful selections. Stacey meticulously evaluated “every single Sherwin-Williams white” to find the ideal buttery color for the main living areas (Casa Blanca, Sherwin-Williams), incorporated 200-year-old salvaged wood beams, and designed the laundry room in the spirit of a French garden, complete with an undercounter striped sink skirt worthy of a Parisian café.She then set out to blend old-world charm—like the lavishly draped canopy bed in the primary suite—with contemporary pieces, such as large-scale pendants and multitiered chandeliers. The overall design is enhanced by colorful carpets, including a striking snake pattern in the living room and a hand-tufted graphic rug in the dining area. Auction house wins, antique treasures, and Parisian flea-market finds complete this unexpected and unconventional Texas haven.FAST FACTSDesigner: Sarah Stacey Interior DesignLocation: Central TexasThe Space: A garage-turned-speakeasy with a dance hall and a 4,900 sq ft main house with 3 bedrooms, 2 living rooms, a dressing room, sauna, and wet bar. SPEAKEASYThe former garage transformed into a go-to party hub.Stephen KarlischWallpaper: Phillip Jeffries. Sconces: Visual Comfort. Bar Stools: Nior. Armchairs: Hickory Chair. Coffee table: Sunpan. Drink Tables: Robert James. The bar is from a Ruth’s Chris restaurant and has become the heart of the space. It’s where friends and family naturally gather, often ending the night belting out karaoke songs, tipsy and totally in the moment.Stephen KarlischStephen KarlischThe husband won the six Orgy lithographs by Picasso at an online auction and Stacey hired artist Elisa Gomez to paint the frames. One of the standout features above the bar table is an original Jimi Hendrix guitar—a striking tribute to the rock 'n' roll legend. A custom tufted banquette in Schumacher fabric sits alongside Robert James café tables and under Hinkley pendants for the ultimate lounge experience.Stephen KarlischSeating: Hickory Chair. Coffee table: vintage. Rug: vintage, EtsyA cozy corner of the room is designed for dance breaks, providing plentiful options where guests can sit and take five. A framed archival photograph of Jimi Hendrix features a guitar that the couple purchased for their own collection. Stephen KarlischA British telephone booth gets recast as the secret entrance between the speakeasy and dance hall. See Stacey's go-to formula for a memorable entrance below. Create your own one-of-a-kind entrance like designer Sarah StaceyFind something that resonates with you. Stacey’s clients considered a Coca-Cola machine but fell in love with this phone booth.In this case, the designer brought on a contractor to remove the back of the booth and then cleverly recreate it as a hidden door.Keep it simple with a wall panel that pushes open, or go elaborate with an engineer-approved coded release—just type in the numbers and voilà!Always make sure there’s a manual way in and out!LIVING ROOMA warm white by Sherwin-Williams complements the original stone floors.Stephen KarlischSofas: custom, in Vervain fabric. Seating: Alfonso Marina, in Pierre Frey (chairs) and Fox Linton (bench) fabrics.Vivid and bold, the living room design comes alive through a colorful carpet, highlighted by a striking snake-patterned centerpiece designed by a tattoo artist. The Picasso to the right of the fireplace went missing, but was thankfully found and now has a place of prominence.KITCHENClever storage solutions are packed in this European-inspired kitchen.Stephen KarlischRange: La Cornue. Backsplash and Countertops: Aria Stone Gallery. Runner: vintage, Black Sheep Unique. Island Pendants: Urban Electric. Island: DeVOL.  Stephen KarlischLight fixture: Vintage. Dining table: Vintage. Dining chairs: Gregorius Pineo with Pierre Frey fabric.  A prep island by Devol provides easy access to dinnerware stored behind glass doors. It’s finished with an aged copper countertop that sets off the beveled white oak herringbone floor. New herringbone wood floors add a built-in patina to this newly created kitchen. The breakfast room chairs are upholstered in Pierre Frey fabric that Stacey treated with a wipeable vinyl coating. Pendants: The Urban Electric Co.WET BARA convenient bar for entertaining in the main living space. Stephen KarlischSconces: Allied Maker. Stools: Paul Ferrante, in Kelly Wearstler fabric. Table Lamp: Sunday Shop. Wanting an option to entertain in the main house, the homeowners asked Stacey for a bar with seating and room for their collection of cocktail glasses. A mirrored backdrop adds shine and glamour while bouncing light around the room. DINING ROOMContemporary and vintage pieces make this dining room memorable.Stephen Karlisch Dining chairs: Gregorius Pineo, in Moore & Giles leather. Chandelier: custom, Apparatus Studio. Rug: Christopher Farr.In the dining room, an eclectic mix of furniture and accessories meld into a one-of-a-kind entertaining scene. The mismatched Venetian mirrors were won at an auction, the bust of David originally sat outside in the flower beds, and the painting was found online. OWNER'S SUITEA bedroom bathed in rich green sets the scene for a luxurious, serene escape.Stephen KarlischPaint color: Chimichurri by Benjamin Moore. Wallcovering: Porter Teleo. Bedframe and fabric: Alfonso Marina.Stephen KarlischLight fixture: Fortuny. Sofa: Vintage, recovered in House of Hackney fabric. Trunk: Vintage, Louis Vuitton. Inspired by kintsugi, the Japanese art of repairing broken pottery with metallic lacquer, the Porter Teleo wallcovering sets the palette for this room. Yards of Fortuny fabric give the Alfonso Marina bed a regal air. The vintage sofa is reupholstered in a luxurious House of Hackney textile, featuring a bold, substantial trim detail.BATHROOMLavish stone and custom flooring create a one-of-a-kind en-suite.Stephen KarlischStone: Aria Stone Gallery. Vanity: Custom. Fixtures: Watermark. Sconces: Apparatus Studio.A custom terrazzo floor by Marble Buro grounds this space. Its unique coloration and less organic structure allow the marble backsplash and elaborate custom wood-carved mirrors, meant to mimic Black Forest-style design, to take center stage.Stephen KarlischStacey originally wanted the marble book-matched, but when her fabricator said the slabs weren’t symmetrical, they decided to rotate each one 180°, creating a consistently random design with even veining. Bench: custom.LAUNDRY ROOMThis utilitarian space is full of natural light. Stephen KarlischPaint: Stone Blue, Farrow & Ball. Wallpaper: Botanica Claustra by Papier Francais. Backsplash: Zia Tile. Curtain fabric: Clarence House.Papier Français partnered with Bibliothèque Nationale de France to bring back more than 60 archival prints, including this Bon factory flowering-trellis wallpaper, which turns this utilitarian space into a year-round spring jewel box. THE DRESSING ROOM The "closet" was quickly expanded to feel more like a boutique retail space.Stephen KarlischCeiling wallpaper: Gracie. Light fixture: Visual Comfort. Sofas: Mr. Brown in De la Cuona fabric and Samuel & Sons trim. Carpet: Nourison. Pillows: Dedar. Library ladder: Alaco. Hardware: Armac Martin.Stephen KarlischPaint color: Brinjal by Farrow & Ball. Hardware: Armac Martin.The entire main house and garage renovation began with a closet redesign. Stacey came to assess the closet, cataloging everything from long- and short-hang sections to shoes and bags, and it quickly became clear the space was too small. This discovery sparked the decision to expand and elevate the closet...and set the stage for a full home transformation.SAUNAThe ultimate in-home spa experience. Stephen KarlischA discreet sauna is the preferred spot to recover after a night of dancing. About the DesignerSarah Stacey is known for her artful approach to layering, creating spaces that balance timeless elegance with a fresh, eclectic edge. Raised in Louisiana and influenced by antique auctions, Southern cities, and global travel, her style embraces bold contrasts and personal storytelling. With a background in studio art and interior design from LSU, she brings a vibrant, collected sensibility to both residential and commercial projects. Now based in Texas with her musician husband and their son, Sarah’s work is infused with the same energy and joy that defines her life.SHOP THE SPACEFarrow & Ball Stone Blue Paint Color$143 at Farrow & BallItalian Venetian Murano Blue Glass Chandelier$8,250 at 1stDibsLa Cornue Cornu Fé 110 Range Matte Black$13,275 at Williams SonomaCredit: Williams SonomaPablo Picasso LithographNow 20% Off$3,000 $2,400 at 1stDibs