Trump is still afraid of voters
It is perhaps an understatement to say that Donald Trump is obsessed with popularity. Throughout his time in the limelight, he has repeatedly made it clear just how much he cares about polls — so much so that he’s made some up out of whole cloth and even called to “investigate” ones that showed he had low approval ratings, which he called “FAKE POLLS FROM FAKE NEWS ORGANIZATIONS.” He often exaggerates his political mandate and refers to his November victory as a historic landslide despite the fact that he didn’t even win a popular-vote majority.But since returning to the White House, President Donald Trump has been doing very unpopular things, and it shows: According to a recent New York Times poll, two-thirds of respondents described Trump’s second term as “chaotic,” 59 percent said it’s “scary,” and 54 percent disapproved of his overall job as president. And though his approval rating has been improving in recent weeks, the overall number is still negative.More specifically, Trump’s most high-profile moves have been opposed by the majority of Americans. An ABC News/Washington Post/Ipsos poll showed that two-thirds of Americans disapproved of Trump’s handling of tariffs. A CNN poll found that a majority of Americans opposed deporting immigrants to a Salvadoran prison. And only 17 percent of Americans support deporting legal immigrants who participated in protests against Israel, according to the New York Times.Given the way Trump is governing, it can sometimes seem like how the majority of people feel doesn’t matter to the president, leading to more despair among those who disapprove. But is it actually true that polls and public opinion no longer influence Trump’s decisions? The takeaway, told through examples from the past four months, is more hopeful.Trump doubles down on birthright citizenship, deportationsOne of the most obvious examples of public opinion failing to sway the president comes from Trump’s handling of immigration, especially when it comes to the most controversial aspects of his policy. For years, Trump has railed against birthright citizenship, saying that the United States shouldn’t automatically give citizenship to people born on American soil. In his second term, one of Trump’s first executive orders was an attempt to end birthright citizenship, even though it’s enshrined in the US Constitution. The order, which has since been blocked by the courts, has little public support. An NPR/Ipsos poll in February, for example, found that only 31 percent of Americans support ending birthright citizenship. In May, the same poll found that only 28 percent of Americans favored Trump’s executive order. But that hasn’t made Trump stop his crusade against birthright citizenship, and his administration has taken the case up all the way to the Supreme Court.Another area where Trump has shown little, if any, movement despite public outcry is deportations. His administration deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadorian immigrant and Maryland resident, sending him to the notorious maximum security prison in El Salvador along with other deportees the administration has alleged are gang members. The Trump administration admitted that Abrego Garcia’s deportation was the result of an “administrative error.”A New York Times/Siena College poll found that only 31 percent of Americans approved Trump’s handling of this case, and another poll showed that only 26 percent of Americans believed that Abrego Garcia should remain in El Salvador. Despite that, and the fact that the courts have ordered the Trump administration to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return to the United States, the president has been unwilling to do so. On X, the White House said that he would be “never coming back.”The same New York Times/Siena poll also found that only 17 percent of Americans support moves to deport legal immigrants for expressing their views about Israel. But the Trump administration has continued its effort to deport green card holders and revoke student visas for those who participated in pro-Palestinian protests.Trump has also shown little interest in how people feel about the more minor issues that seem to be his pet projects. Only a quarter of Americans seemed to like the idea of renaming the Gulf of Mexico — but Trump is so fixated on leaving his imprint on that body of water that he has a map labeling it the Gulf of America in the Oval Office. The White House even banned Associated Press reporters from accessing presidential events because their outlet still refers to it as the Gulf of Mexico. Large majorities also oppose Trump’s idea to annex Canada and Greenland, but that hasn’t stopped him from talking about his plans to do so. But Trump is still largely complying with the courts — for nowOn the other hand, there are examples of Trump at least pretending to fall in line with public opinion. Take, for example, Trump’s delicate dance when it comes to how the administration handles court rulings. Defying the judicial branch is a red line for many voters. A Pew poll found that 78 percent of Americans believe that Trump should obey federal courts, and 88 percent believe that Trump should abide by Supreme Court rulings. A New York Times/Siena poll similarly showed that only 6 percent of Americans believe that Trump should ignore Supreme Court rulings. And a Fox News poll found that two-thirds of Americans believe that the president must follow the Supreme Court. Trump has clashed with the courts and even defied some of their orders. But despite all of his complaining about the courts, Trump hasn’t gone so far as to be openly defiant. His administration, for example, still publicly states that it’s complying with the courts even when it’s not, knowing that explicitly rejecting court orders will likely prompt some backlash. And while there have been a few standout cases, as in the case of Abrego Garcia, the Trump administration has, for the most part, gone through the court process and abided by the rulings. They paused federal layoffs, for example, restored student visas, and released detained immigrants per court orders. Even as his administration finds ways to slow-walk court orders, Trump has said that he would “never defy” the Supreme Court. “I wouldn’t do that,” he told Time magazine in a recent interview. “I’m a big believer in the Supreme Court, and have a lot of respect for the justices.”Trump sidelines Elon MuskFor months, it seemed like Trump’s championing of Elon Musk was one of the starkest signs that he truly did not care about what his constituents think. The Tesla CEO was tasked with leading the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, which has wreaked havoc across agencies in the federal government. DOGE has been responsible for mass layoffs of federal workers and has proposed cuts to all sorts of programs, including Social Security. Musk himself had an outsize presence at the start of the Trump administration — even appearing in TV interviews alongside the president.Musk’s role in the Trump administration was designed to be temporary, with his status as a “special government employee” lasting 130 days. But at the start of Trump’s presidency, White House officials predicted that Musk’s role would be more permanent and that he would last longer than the 130-day limit that his status provides.That, however, doesn’t seem to be the case. Polls consistently show that a majority of Americans have an unfavorable view of Musk. And one of Musk’s most public setbacks came after he campaigned heavily in favor of the Republican in Wisconsin’s Supreme Court election, only for the Democrat to win by 10 points.Soon after that election, Trump signaled to his Cabinet that they will be seeing less of Musk. According to Politico, “Trump is increasingly mindful of next year’s midterms and making sure he doesn’t jeopardize his House majority. He’s kept a careful eye on the town hall outrage over DOGE, even as Republicans have chalked those scenes up to coordinated liberal stagecraft.” Trump, who made a habit of mentioning Musk’s work earlier on in his administration, has even stopped bringing him up nearly as much in public, something that his fellow Republicans in Congress have also done. Trump walks back tariffsPerhaps the ultimate example of Trump heeding public opinion comes from one of his most chaotic policies. When he came into office, Trump promised to impose taxes on imports from allies and foes alike. And since then, his plan can best be described as on again, off again.On the day he was inaugurated, for example, Trump announced he would impose 25 percent tariffs on Canada and Mexico starting on February 1. A Reuters/Ipsos poll at the time showed that a majority of Americans opposed slapping a tax on imports from the United States’ two largest trading partners, with only 37 percent of Americans supporting tariffs on Canada. Just two days after the tariffs went into effect, Trump announced he would implement a 30-day pause, claiming that he was satisfied with his agreement with the two countries over their border policies.A similar story played out when Trump finally announced his broader tariff policy, which imposed import taxes on the vast majority of countries. In the days and weeks that followed, poll after poll showed Americans were unhappy with the policy, with one poll showing that some two-thirds of Americans opposed Trump’s tariffs. Notably, financial markets were also rattled, and stock prices plunged. Trump then scaled back and paused his tariffs, focusing his trade war with China as opposed to the whole world. And eventually, Trump started walking back how aggressive he was willing to be on China as well.What does this all mean?A lot of Americans who oppose Trump might feel helpless during this second term, seeing little reason to protest or express their discontent. But just because Trump is term-limited and doesn’t have to win another election doesn’t mean that public anger won’t influence his administration. One of the fears of a second Trump term was that Trump would be emboldened and even more reckless than he was in his first. But there still seems to be evidence that despite governing in a deeply polarizing and unpopular way, Trump is probably swayed by the polls. That’s not to say that protests would stop the administration from implementing its agenda, but it is to say that if there’s enough discontent, Trump has shown that he might adjust his priorities. And with enough public outcry, Trump, like other presidents, sometimes scales back some of his more controversial policies to make them more palatable. It’s hard to predict just how much hold public opinion has over Trump, or when bad poll numbers might prompt him to reverse course, but he clearly cares about his legacy, what the overall public thinks about his performance as president, and, maybe most importantly, how his party will fare in the midterms next year. Trump would love nothing more than to still have a majority in Congress for the last two years of his presidency. So when it comes to which areas he might be willing to move on in order to cater to the broader electorate, it’s likely going to be issues that have staying power and could haunt the GOP in 2026. That’s likely why he panicked about tariffs and blinked: Not only are they deeply unpopular, but the potential negative consequences on prices and the overall economy might make Republicans less electable, just as historic inflation hurt Democrats’ chances last cycle. Expressing discontent over Trump’s policies also has a ripple effect that goes beyond how Trump might respond to one poll or protest here or there. When Trump first launched his retribution campaign against law firms and his assault on universities, some institutions cowered and bent to his will. But over time, as Trump grew more emboldened while the public grew more wary, some institutions started to fight back. At the end of the day, Trump’s power is derived from the people, and he is not immune to pushing his luck. See More:
#trump #still #afraid #voters
Trump is still afraid of voters
It is perhaps an understatement to say that Donald Trump is obsessed with popularity. Throughout his time in the limelight, he has repeatedly made it clear just how much he cares about polls — so much so that he’s made some up out of whole cloth and even called to “investigate” ones that showed he had low approval ratings, which he called “FAKE POLLS FROM FAKE NEWS ORGANIZATIONS.” He often exaggerates his political mandate and refers to his November victory as a historic landslide despite the fact that he didn’t even win a popular-vote majority.But since returning to the White House, President Donald Trump has been doing very unpopular things, and it shows: According to a recent New York Times poll, two-thirds of respondents described Trump’s second term as “chaotic,” 59 percent said it’s “scary,” and 54 percent disapproved of his overall job as president. And though his approval rating has been improving in recent weeks, the overall number is still negative.More specifically, Trump’s most high-profile moves have been opposed by the majority of Americans. An ABC News/Washington Post/Ipsos poll showed that two-thirds of Americans disapproved of Trump’s handling of tariffs. A CNN poll found that a majority of Americans opposed deporting immigrants to a Salvadoran prison. And only 17 percent of Americans support deporting legal immigrants who participated in protests against Israel, according to the New York Times.Given the way Trump is governing, it can sometimes seem like how the majority of people feel doesn’t matter to the president, leading to more despair among those who disapprove. But is it actually true that polls and public opinion no longer influence Trump’s decisions? The takeaway, told through examples from the past four months, is more hopeful.Trump doubles down on birthright citizenship, deportationsOne of the most obvious examples of public opinion failing to sway the president comes from Trump’s handling of immigration, especially when it comes to the most controversial aspects of his policy. For years, Trump has railed against birthright citizenship, saying that the United States shouldn’t automatically give citizenship to people born on American soil. In his second term, one of Trump’s first executive orders was an attempt to end birthright citizenship, even though it’s enshrined in the US Constitution. The order, which has since been blocked by the courts, has little public support. An NPR/Ipsos poll in February, for example, found that only 31 percent of Americans support ending birthright citizenship. In May, the same poll found that only 28 percent of Americans favored Trump’s executive order. But that hasn’t made Trump stop his crusade against birthright citizenship, and his administration has taken the case up all the way to the Supreme Court.Another area where Trump has shown little, if any, movement despite public outcry is deportations. His administration deported Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadorian immigrant and Maryland resident, sending him to the notorious maximum security prison in El Salvador along with other deportees the administration has alleged are gang members. The Trump administration admitted that Abrego Garcia’s deportation was the result of an “administrative error.”A New York Times/Siena College poll found that only 31 percent of Americans approved Trump’s handling of this case, and another poll showed that only 26 percent of Americans believed that Abrego Garcia should remain in El Salvador. Despite that, and the fact that the courts have ordered the Trump administration to facilitate Abrego Garcia’s return to the United States, the president has been unwilling to do so. On X, the White House said that he would be “never coming back.”The same New York Times/Siena poll also found that only 17 percent of Americans support moves to deport legal immigrants for expressing their views about Israel. But the Trump administration has continued its effort to deport green card holders and revoke student visas for those who participated in pro-Palestinian protests.Trump has also shown little interest in how people feel about the more minor issues that seem to be his pet projects. Only a quarter of Americans seemed to like the idea of renaming the Gulf of Mexico — but Trump is so fixated on leaving his imprint on that body of water that he has a map labeling it the Gulf of America in the Oval Office. The White House even banned Associated Press reporters from accessing presidential events because their outlet still refers to it as the Gulf of Mexico. Large majorities also oppose Trump’s idea to annex Canada and Greenland, but that hasn’t stopped him from talking about his plans to do so. But Trump is still largely complying with the courts — for nowOn the other hand, there are examples of Trump at least pretending to fall in line with public opinion. Take, for example, Trump’s delicate dance when it comes to how the administration handles court rulings. Defying the judicial branch is a red line for many voters. A Pew poll found that 78 percent of Americans believe that Trump should obey federal courts, and 88 percent believe that Trump should abide by Supreme Court rulings. A New York Times/Siena poll similarly showed that only 6 percent of Americans believe that Trump should ignore Supreme Court rulings. And a Fox News poll found that two-thirds of Americans believe that the president must follow the Supreme Court. Trump has clashed with the courts and even defied some of their orders. But despite all of his complaining about the courts, Trump hasn’t gone so far as to be openly defiant. His administration, for example, still publicly states that it’s complying with the courts even when it’s not, knowing that explicitly rejecting court orders will likely prompt some backlash. And while there have been a few standout cases, as in the case of Abrego Garcia, the Trump administration has, for the most part, gone through the court process and abided by the rulings. They paused federal layoffs, for example, restored student visas, and released detained immigrants per court orders. Even as his administration finds ways to slow-walk court orders, Trump has said that he would “never defy” the Supreme Court. “I wouldn’t do that,” he told Time magazine in a recent interview. “I’m a big believer in the Supreme Court, and have a lot of respect for the justices.”Trump sidelines Elon MuskFor months, it seemed like Trump’s championing of Elon Musk was one of the starkest signs that he truly did not care about what his constituents think. The Tesla CEO was tasked with leading the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, which has wreaked havoc across agencies in the federal government. DOGE has been responsible for mass layoffs of federal workers and has proposed cuts to all sorts of programs, including Social Security. Musk himself had an outsize presence at the start of the Trump administration — even appearing in TV interviews alongside the president.Musk’s role in the Trump administration was designed to be temporary, with his status as a “special government employee” lasting 130 days. But at the start of Trump’s presidency, White House officials predicted that Musk’s role would be more permanent and that he would last longer than the 130-day limit that his status provides.That, however, doesn’t seem to be the case. Polls consistently show that a majority of Americans have an unfavorable view of Musk. And one of Musk’s most public setbacks came after he campaigned heavily in favor of the Republican in Wisconsin’s Supreme Court election, only for the Democrat to win by 10 points.Soon after that election, Trump signaled to his Cabinet that they will be seeing less of Musk. According to Politico, “Trump is increasingly mindful of next year’s midterms and making sure he doesn’t jeopardize his House majority. He’s kept a careful eye on the town hall outrage over DOGE, even as Republicans have chalked those scenes up to coordinated liberal stagecraft.” Trump, who made a habit of mentioning Musk’s work earlier on in his administration, has even stopped bringing him up nearly as much in public, something that his fellow Republicans in Congress have also done. Trump walks back tariffsPerhaps the ultimate example of Trump heeding public opinion comes from one of his most chaotic policies. When he came into office, Trump promised to impose taxes on imports from allies and foes alike. And since then, his plan can best be described as on again, off again.On the day he was inaugurated, for example, Trump announced he would impose 25 percent tariffs on Canada and Mexico starting on February 1. A Reuters/Ipsos poll at the time showed that a majority of Americans opposed slapping a tax on imports from the United States’ two largest trading partners, with only 37 percent of Americans supporting tariffs on Canada. Just two days after the tariffs went into effect, Trump announced he would implement a 30-day pause, claiming that he was satisfied with his agreement with the two countries over their border policies.A similar story played out when Trump finally announced his broader tariff policy, which imposed import taxes on the vast majority of countries. In the days and weeks that followed, poll after poll showed Americans were unhappy with the policy, with one poll showing that some two-thirds of Americans opposed Trump’s tariffs. Notably, financial markets were also rattled, and stock prices plunged. Trump then scaled back and paused his tariffs, focusing his trade war with China as opposed to the whole world. And eventually, Trump started walking back how aggressive he was willing to be on China as well.What does this all mean?A lot of Americans who oppose Trump might feel helpless during this second term, seeing little reason to protest or express their discontent. But just because Trump is term-limited and doesn’t have to win another election doesn’t mean that public anger won’t influence his administration. One of the fears of a second Trump term was that Trump would be emboldened and even more reckless than he was in his first. But there still seems to be evidence that despite governing in a deeply polarizing and unpopular way, Trump is probably swayed by the polls. That’s not to say that protests would stop the administration from implementing its agenda, but it is to say that if there’s enough discontent, Trump has shown that he might adjust his priorities. And with enough public outcry, Trump, like other presidents, sometimes scales back some of his more controversial policies to make them more palatable. It’s hard to predict just how much hold public opinion has over Trump, or when bad poll numbers might prompt him to reverse course, but he clearly cares about his legacy, what the overall public thinks about his performance as president, and, maybe most importantly, how his party will fare in the midterms next year. Trump would love nothing more than to still have a majority in Congress for the last two years of his presidency. So when it comes to which areas he might be willing to move on in order to cater to the broader electorate, it’s likely going to be issues that have staying power and could haunt the GOP in 2026. That’s likely why he panicked about tariffs and blinked: Not only are they deeply unpopular, but the potential negative consequences on prices and the overall economy might make Republicans less electable, just as historic inflation hurt Democrats’ chances last cycle. Expressing discontent over Trump’s policies also has a ripple effect that goes beyond how Trump might respond to one poll or protest here or there. When Trump first launched his retribution campaign against law firms and his assault on universities, some institutions cowered and bent to his will. But over time, as Trump grew more emboldened while the public grew more wary, some institutions started to fight back. At the end of the day, Trump’s power is derived from the people, and he is not immune to pushing his luck. See More:
#trump #still #afraid #voters
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