• What in the world are we doing? Scientists at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology have come up with this mind-boggling idea of creating an AI model that "never stops learning." Seriously? This is the kind of reckless innovation that could lead to disastrous consequences! Do we really want machines that keep learning on the fly without any checks and balances? Are we so blinded by the allure of technological advancement that we are willing to ignore the potential risks associated with an AI that continually improves itself?

    First off, let’s address the elephant in the room: the sheer arrogance of thinking we can control something that is designed to evolve endlessly. This MIT development is hailed as a step forward, but why are we celebrating a move toward self-improving AI when the implications are terrifying? We have already seen how AI systems can perpetuate biases, spread misinformation, and even manipulate human behavior. The last thing we need is for an arrogant algorithm to keep evolving, potentially amplifying these issues without any human oversight.

    The scientists behind this project might have a vision of a utopian future where AI can solve our problems, but they seem utterly oblivious to the fact that with great power comes great responsibility. Who is going to regulate this relentless learning process? What safeguards are in place to prevent this technology from spiraling out of control? The notion that AI can autonomously enhance itself without a human hand to guide it is not just naïve; it’s downright dangerous!

    We are living in a time when technology is advancing at breakneck speed, and instead of pausing to consider the ramifications, we are throwing caution to the wind. The excitement around this AI model that "never stops learning" is misplaced. The last decade has shown us that unchecked technology can wreak havoc—think data breaches, surveillance, and the erosion of privacy. So why are we racing toward a future where AI can learn and adapt without our input? Are we really that desperate for innovation that we can't see the cliff we’re heading toward?

    It’s time to wake up and realize that this relentless pursuit of progress without accountability is a recipe for disaster. We need to demand transparency and regulation from the creators of such technologies. This isn't just about scientific advancement; it's about ensuring that we don’t create monsters we can’t control.

    In conclusion, let’s stop idolizing these so-called breakthroughs in AI without critically examining what they truly mean for society. We need to hold these scientists accountable for the future they are shaping. We must question the ethics of an AI that never stops learning and remind ourselves that just because we can, doesn’t mean we should!

    #AI #MIT #EthicsInTech #Accountability #FutureOfAI
    What in the world are we doing? Scientists at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology have come up with this mind-boggling idea of creating an AI model that "never stops learning." Seriously? This is the kind of reckless innovation that could lead to disastrous consequences! Do we really want machines that keep learning on the fly without any checks and balances? Are we so blinded by the allure of technological advancement that we are willing to ignore the potential risks associated with an AI that continually improves itself? First off, let’s address the elephant in the room: the sheer arrogance of thinking we can control something that is designed to evolve endlessly. This MIT development is hailed as a step forward, but why are we celebrating a move toward self-improving AI when the implications are terrifying? We have already seen how AI systems can perpetuate biases, spread misinformation, and even manipulate human behavior. The last thing we need is for an arrogant algorithm to keep evolving, potentially amplifying these issues without any human oversight. The scientists behind this project might have a vision of a utopian future where AI can solve our problems, but they seem utterly oblivious to the fact that with great power comes great responsibility. Who is going to regulate this relentless learning process? What safeguards are in place to prevent this technology from spiraling out of control? The notion that AI can autonomously enhance itself without a human hand to guide it is not just naïve; it’s downright dangerous! We are living in a time when technology is advancing at breakneck speed, and instead of pausing to consider the ramifications, we are throwing caution to the wind. The excitement around this AI model that "never stops learning" is misplaced. The last decade has shown us that unchecked technology can wreak havoc—think data breaches, surveillance, and the erosion of privacy. So why are we racing toward a future where AI can learn and adapt without our input? Are we really that desperate for innovation that we can't see the cliff we’re heading toward? It’s time to wake up and realize that this relentless pursuit of progress without accountability is a recipe for disaster. We need to demand transparency and regulation from the creators of such technologies. This isn't just about scientific advancement; it's about ensuring that we don’t create monsters we can’t control. In conclusion, let’s stop idolizing these so-called breakthroughs in AI without critically examining what they truly mean for society. We need to hold these scientists accountable for the future they are shaping. We must question the ethics of an AI that never stops learning and remind ourselves that just because we can, doesn’t mean we should! #AI #MIT #EthicsInTech #Accountability #FutureOfAI
    This AI Model Never Stops Learning
    Scientists at Massachusetts Institute of Technology have devised a way for large language models to keep learning on the fly—a step toward building AI that continually improves itself.
    Like
    Love
    Wow
    Sad
    Angry
    340
    1 Commenti 0 condivisioni
  • benchmarking, concurrentiel, guide, importance, suivi de la concurrence, performance, analyse, stratégie, entreprises

    ## Introduction

    Le monde des affaires est un environnement en constante évolution. Pour rester compétitif, il est essentiel de surveiller non seulement ses propres performances, mais aussi celles des concurrents. C'est ici qu'intervient le benchmarking concurrentiel. Dans cet article, nous allons explorer ce qu'est le benchmarking concurrentiel et pourquoi il est important de s...
    benchmarking, concurrentiel, guide, importance, suivi de la concurrence, performance, analyse, stratégie, entreprises ## Introduction Le monde des affaires est un environnement en constante évolution. Pour rester compétitif, il est essentiel de surveiller non seulement ses propres performances, mais aussi celles des concurrents. C'est ici qu'intervient le benchmarking concurrentiel. Dans cet article, nous allons explorer ce qu'est le benchmarking concurrentiel et pourquoi il est important de s...
    Qu'est-ce que le benchmarking concurrentiel ? Un guide pour débutants
    benchmarking, concurrentiel, guide, importance, suivi de la concurrence, performance, analyse, stratégie, entreprises ## Introduction Le monde des affaires est un environnement en constante évolution. Pour rester compétitif, il est essentiel de surveiller non seulement ses propres performances, mais aussi celles des concurrents. C'est ici qu'intervient le benchmarking concurrentiel. Dans cet...
    Like
    Love
    Wow
    Sad
    Angry
    524
    1 Commenti 0 condivisioni
  • La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité

    La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité Dans son numéro de printemps, la revue décortique cette technologie onéreuse qui, malgré ses promesses, pourrait bien ne pas être aussi efficace que prévu. Article réservé aux abonnés La revue des revues. Depuis plusieurs années, la vidéosurveillance dite « algorithmique », dopée à l’intelligence artificielle, s’est répandue en France. D’abord cantonnée à un usage statistique, elle a vu son usage élargi à des fins sécuritaires lors des Jeux olympiques de Paris, en 2024, pour détecter les mouvements de foule ou les bagages oubliés. Une expérimentation que le législateur a décidé de reconduire jusqu’en 2027 malgré un rapport d’évaluation pointant une efficacité relative. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés « La généralisation de la vidéosurveillance algorithmique fait peser des risques majeurs sur nos libertés » La revue Réseaux aborde cette nouvelle technologie dans son numéro de mai-juin portant sur « Les politiques numériques de la sécurité urbaine » L’article « Qui rend lisibles les images ? », de Clément Le Ludec et Maxime Cornet, fondé sur une observation fine de deux systèmes de vidéosurveillance algorithmique, remet en cause cette idée. Les sociologues reviennent sur le nécessaire travail humain pour nettoyer et annoter les images employées afin d’entraîner l’IA à reconnaître une situation donnée. Cette intervention humaine influe sur la « définition de l’infraction » que le système va rechercher. Effet pervers C’est particulièrement vrai dans un des cas étudiés, un algorithme de détection de vol à l’étalage dans les supermarchés. Les annotateurs doivent identifier des gestes qu’ils jugent suspects, présageant d’un vol. Une tâche qui conduit à une « simplification du réel » obérant l’efficacité du dispositif. L’intervention humaine dépasse même l’entraînement : la caractérisation des événements est parfois faite en temps réel par les annotateurs, basés à Madagascar. Le système n’est dès lors plus vraiment automatique. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés Algorithmes sociaux : « Plus le score de risque est élevé, plus le contrôle est intensifié » Par ailleurs, l’utilisation de cet outil ne se traduisant pas par une baisse du nombre de vols, cette inefficacité conduit les opérateurs à se rabattre sur la vidéosurveillance. Un autre système, utilisé contre les infractions routières, a tendance à être focalisé sur des zones déjà sous surveillance, limitant l’apport du dispositif. Et pour rentabiliser ce coûteux système, on lui cherche même des applications différentes de celles prévues au départ. Il vous reste 22.86% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés.
    #revue #réseaux #sintéresse #aux #pouvoirs
    La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité
    La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité Dans son numéro de printemps, la revue décortique cette technologie onéreuse qui, malgré ses promesses, pourrait bien ne pas être aussi efficace que prévu. Article réservé aux abonnés La revue des revues. Depuis plusieurs années, la vidéosurveillance dite « algorithmique », dopée à l’intelligence artificielle, s’est répandue en France. D’abord cantonnée à un usage statistique, elle a vu son usage élargi à des fins sécuritaires lors des Jeux olympiques de Paris, en 2024, pour détecter les mouvements de foule ou les bagages oubliés. Une expérimentation que le législateur a décidé de reconduire jusqu’en 2027 malgré un rapport d’évaluation pointant une efficacité relative. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés « La généralisation de la vidéosurveillance algorithmique fait peser des risques majeurs sur nos libertés » La revue Réseaux aborde cette nouvelle technologie dans son numéro de mai-juin portant sur « Les politiques numériques de la sécurité urbaine » L’article « Qui rend lisibles les images ? », de Clément Le Ludec et Maxime Cornet, fondé sur une observation fine de deux systèmes de vidéosurveillance algorithmique, remet en cause cette idée. Les sociologues reviennent sur le nécessaire travail humain pour nettoyer et annoter les images employées afin d’entraîner l’IA à reconnaître une situation donnée. Cette intervention humaine influe sur la « définition de l’infraction » que le système va rechercher. Effet pervers C’est particulièrement vrai dans un des cas étudiés, un algorithme de détection de vol à l’étalage dans les supermarchés. Les annotateurs doivent identifier des gestes qu’ils jugent suspects, présageant d’un vol. Une tâche qui conduit à une « simplification du réel » obérant l’efficacité du dispositif. L’intervention humaine dépasse même l’entraînement : la caractérisation des événements est parfois faite en temps réel par les annotateurs, basés à Madagascar. Le système n’est dès lors plus vraiment automatique. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés Algorithmes sociaux : « Plus le score de risque est élevé, plus le contrôle est intensifié » Par ailleurs, l’utilisation de cet outil ne se traduisant pas par une baisse du nombre de vols, cette inefficacité conduit les opérateurs à se rabattre sur la vidéosurveillance. Un autre système, utilisé contre les infractions routières, a tendance à être focalisé sur des zones déjà sous surveillance, limitant l’apport du dispositif. Et pour rentabiliser ce coûteux système, on lui cherche même des applications différentes de celles prévues au départ. Il vous reste 22.86% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés. #revue #réseaux #sintéresse #aux #pouvoirs
    WWW.LEMONDE.FR
    La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité
    La revue « Réseaux » s’intéresse aux pouvoirs des algorithmes en matière de sécurité Dans son numéro de printemps, la revue décortique cette technologie onéreuse qui, malgré ses promesses, pourrait bien ne pas être aussi efficace que prévu. Article réservé aux abonnés La revue des revues. Depuis plusieurs années, la vidéosurveillance dite « algorithmique », dopée à l’intelligence artificielle (IA), s’est répandue en France. D’abord cantonnée à un usage statistique, elle a vu son usage élargi à des fins sécuritaires lors des Jeux olympiques de Paris, en 2024, pour détecter les mouvements de foule ou les bagages oubliés. Une expérimentation que le législateur a décidé de reconduire jusqu’en 2027 malgré un rapport d’évaluation pointant une efficacité relative. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés « La généralisation de la vidéosurveillance algorithmique fait peser des risques majeurs sur nos libertés » La revue Réseaux aborde cette nouvelle technologie dans son numéro de mai-juin portant sur « Les politiques numériques de la sécurité urbaine » L’article « Qui rend lisibles les images ? », de Clément Le Ludec et Maxime Cornet, fondé sur une observation fine de deux systèmes de vidéosurveillance algorithmique, remet en cause cette idée. Les sociologues reviennent sur le nécessaire travail humain pour nettoyer et annoter les images employées afin d’entraîner l’IA à reconnaître une situation donnée. Cette intervention humaine influe sur la « définition de l’infraction » que le système va rechercher. Effet pervers C’est particulièrement vrai dans un des cas étudiés, un algorithme de détection de vol à l’étalage dans les supermarchés. Les annotateurs doivent identifier des gestes qu’ils jugent suspects, présageant d’un vol. Une tâche qui conduit à une « simplification du réel » obérant l’efficacité du dispositif. L’intervention humaine dépasse même l’entraînement : la caractérisation des événements est parfois faite en temps réel par les annotateurs, basés à Madagascar. Le système n’est dès lors plus vraiment automatique. Lire aussi | Article réservé à nos abonnés Algorithmes sociaux : « Plus le score de risque est élevé, plus le contrôle est intensifié » Par ailleurs, l’utilisation de cet outil ne se traduisant pas par une baisse du nombre de vols, cette inefficacité conduit les opérateurs à se rabattre sur la vidéosurveillance. Un autre système, utilisé contre les infractions routières, a tendance à être focalisé sur des zones déjà sous surveillance, limitant l’apport du dispositif. Et pour rentabiliser ce coûteux système, on lui cherche même des applications différentes de celles prévues au départ. Il vous reste 22.86% de cet article à lire. La suite est réservée aux abonnés.
    0 Commenti 0 condivisioni
  • Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests

    In Brief

    Posted:
    10:54 AM PDT · June 14, 2025

    Image Credits:Mario Tama / Getty Images

    Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests

    Alphabet-owned robotaxi company Waymo is limiting service due to Saturday’s scheduled nationwide “No Kings” protests against President Donald Trump and his policies.
    A Waymo spokesperson confirmed the changes to Wired on Friday. Service is reportedly affected in San Francisco, Austin, Atlanta, and Phoenix, and is entirely suspended in Los Angeles. It’s not clear how long the limited service will last.
    As part of protests last weekend in Los Angeles against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown, five Waymo vehicles were set on fire and spray painted with anti-Immigration and Customs Enforcementmessages. In response, Waymo suspended service in downtown LA.
    While it’s not entirely clear why protestors targeted the vehicles, they may be seen as a surveillance tool, as police departments have requested robotaxi footage for their investigations in the past.According to the San Francisco Chronicle, the city’s fire chief told officials Wednesday that “in a period of civil unrest, we will not try to extinguish those fires unless they are up against a building.”

    Topics
    #waymo #limits #service #ahead #todays
    Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests
    In Brief Posted: 10:54 AM PDT · June 14, 2025 Image Credits:Mario Tama / Getty Images Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests Alphabet-owned robotaxi company Waymo is limiting service due to Saturday’s scheduled nationwide “No Kings” protests against President Donald Trump and his policies. A Waymo spokesperson confirmed the changes to Wired on Friday. Service is reportedly affected in San Francisco, Austin, Atlanta, and Phoenix, and is entirely suspended in Los Angeles. It’s not clear how long the limited service will last. As part of protests last weekend in Los Angeles against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown, five Waymo vehicles were set on fire and spray painted with anti-Immigration and Customs Enforcementmessages. In response, Waymo suspended service in downtown LA. While it’s not entirely clear why protestors targeted the vehicles, they may be seen as a surveillance tool, as police departments have requested robotaxi footage for their investigations in the past.According to the San Francisco Chronicle, the city’s fire chief told officials Wednesday that “in a period of civil unrest, we will not try to extinguish those fires unless they are up against a building.” Topics #waymo #limits #service #ahead #todays
    TECHCRUNCH.COM
    Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests
    In Brief Posted: 10:54 AM PDT · June 14, 2025 Image Credits:Mario Tama / Getty Images Waymo limits service ahead of today’s ‘No Kings’ protests Alphabet-owned robotaxi company Waymo is limiting service due to Saturday’s scheduled nationwide “No Kings” protests against President Donald Trump and his policies. A Waymo spokesperson confirmed the changes to Wired on Friday. Service is reportedly affected in San Francisco, Austin, Atlanta, and Phoenix, and is entirely suspended in Los Angeles. It’s not clear how long the limited service will last. As part of protests last weekend in Los Angeles against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown, five Waymo vehicles were set on fire and spray painted with anti-Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) messages. In response, Waymo suspended service in downtown LA. While it’s not entirely clear why protestors targeted the vehicles, they may be seen as a surveillance tool, as police departments have requested robotaxi footage for their investigations in the past. (Waymo says it challenges requests that it sees as overly broad or lacking a legal basis.) According to the San Francisco Chronicle, the city’s fire chief told officials Wednesday that “in a period of civil unrest, we will not try to extinguish those fires unless they are up against a building.” Topics
    0 Commenti 0 condivisioni
  • How a US agriculture agency became key in the fight against bird flu

    A dangerous strain of bird flu is spreading in US livestockMediaMedium/Alamy
    Since Donald Trump assumed office in January, the leading US public health agency has pulled back preparations for a potential bird flu pandemic. But as it steps back, another government agency is stepping up.

    While the US Department of Health and Human Servicespreviously held regular briefings on its efforts to prevent a wider outbreak of a deadly bird flu virus called H5N1 in people, it largely stopped once Trump took office. It has also cancelled funding for a vaccine that would have targeted the virus. In contrast, the US Department of Agriculturehas escalated its fight against H5N1’s spread in poultry flocks and dairy herds, including by funding the development of livestock vaccines.
    This particular virus – a strain of avian influenza called H5N1 – poses a significant threat to humans, having killed about half of the roughly 1000 people worldwide who tested positive for it since 2003. While the pathogen spreads rapidly in birds, it is poorly adapted to infecting humans and isn’t known to transmit between people. But that could change if it acquires mutations that allow it to spread more easily among mammals – a risk that increases with each mammalian infection.
    The possibility of H5N1 evolving to become more dangerous to people has grown significantly since March 2024, when the virus jumped from migratory birds to dairy cows in Texas. More than 1,070 herds across 17 states have been affected since then.
    H5N1 also infects poultry, placing the virus in closer proximity to people. Since 2022, nearly 175 million domestic birds have been culled in the US due to H5N1, and almost all of the 71 people who have tested positive for it had direct contact with livestock.

    Get the most essential health and fitness news in your inbox every Saturday.

    Sign up to newsletter

    “We need to take this seriously because whenconstantly is spreading, it’s constantly spilling over into humans,” says Seema Lakdawala at Emory University in Georgia. The virus has already killed a person in the US and a child in Mexico this year.
    Still, cases have declined under Trump. The last recorded human case was in February, and the number of affected poultry flocks fell 95 per cent between then and June. Outbreaks in dairy herds have also stabilised.
    It isn’t clear what is behind the decline. Lakdawala believes it is partly due to a lull in bird migration, which reduces opportunities for the virus to spread from wild birds to livestock. It may also reflect efforts by the USDA to contain outbreaks on farms. In February, the USDA unveiled a billion plan for tackling H5N1, including strengthening farmers’ defences against the virus, such as through free biosecurity assessments. Of the 150 facilities that have undergone assessment, only one has experienced an H5N1 outbreak.
    Under Trump, the USDA also continued its National Milk Testing Strategy, which mandates farms provide raw milk samples for influenza testing. If a farm is positive for H5N1, it must allow the USDA to monitor livestock and implement measures to contain the virus. The USDA launched the programme in December and has since ramped up participation to 45 states.
    “The National Milk Testing Strategy is a fantastic system,” says Erin Sorrell at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland. Along with the USDA’s efforts to improve biosecurity measures on farms, milk testing is crucial for containing the outbreak, says Sorrell.

    But while the USDA has bolstered its efforts against H5N1, the HHS doesn’t appear to have followed suit. In fact, the recent drop in human cases may reflect decreased surveillance due to workforce cuts, says Sorrell. In April, the HHS laid off about 10,000 employees, including 90 per cent of staff at the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, an office that helps investigate H5N1 outbreaks in farm workers.
    “There is an old saying that if you don’t test for something, you can’t find it,” says Sorrell. Yet a spokesperson for the US Centers for Disease Control and Preventionsays its guidance and surveillance efforts have not changed. “State and local health departments continue to monitor for illness in persons exposed to sick animals,” they told New Scientist. “CDC remains committed to rapidly communicating information as needed about H5N1.”
    The USDA and HHS also diverge on vaccination. While the USDA has allocated million toward developing vaccines and other solutions for preventing H5N1’s spread in livestock, the HHS cancelled million in contracts for influenza vaccine development. The contracts – terminated on 28 May – were with the pharmaceutical company Moderna to develop vaccines targeting flu subtypes, including H5N1, that could cause future pandemics. The news came the same day Moderna reported nearly 98 per cent of the roughly 300 participants who received two doses of the H5 vaccine in a clinical trial had antibody levels believed to be protective against the virus.
    The US has about five million H5N1 vaccine doses stockpiled, but these are made using eggs and cultured cells, which take longer to produce than mRNA-based vaccines like Moderna’s. The Moderna vaccine would have modernised the stockpile and enabled the government to rapidly produce vaccines in the event of a pandemic, says Sorrell. “It seems like a very effective platform and would have positioned the US and others to be on good footing if and when we needed a vaccine for our general public,” she says.

    The HHS cancelled the contracts due to concerns about mRNA vaccines, which Robert F Kennedy Jr – the country’s highest-ranking public health official – has previously cast doubt on. “The reality is that mRNA technology remains under-tested, and we are not going to spend taxpayer dollars repeating the mistakes of the last administration,” said HHS communications director Andrew Nixon in a statement to New Scientist.
    However, mRNA technology isn’t new. It has been in development for more than half a century and numerous clinical trials have shown mRNA vaccines are safe. While they do carry the risk of side effects – the majority of which are mild – this is true of almost every medical treatment. In a press release, Moderna said it would explore alternative funding paths for the programme.
    “My stance is that we should not be looking to take anything off the table, and that includes any type of vaccine regimen,” says Lakdawala.
    “Vaccines are the most effective way to counter an infectious disease,” says Sorrell. “And so having that in your arsenal and ready to go just give you more options.”
    Topics:
    #how #agriculture #agency #became #key
    How a US agriculture agency became key in the fight against bird flu
    A dangerous strain of bird flu is spreading in US livestockMediaMedium/Alamy Since Donald Trump assumed office in January, the leading US public health agency has pulled back preparations for a potential bird flu pandemic. But as it steps back, another government agency is stepping up. While the US Department of Health and Human Servicespreviously held regular briefings on its efforts to prevent a wider outbreak of a deadly bird flu virus called H5N1 in people, it largely stopped once Trump took office. It has also cancelled funding for a vaccine that would have targeted the virus. In contrast, the US Department of Agriculturehas escalated its fight against H5N1’s spread in poultry flocks and dairy herds, including by funding the development of livestock vaccines. This particular virus – a strain of avian influenza called H5N1 – poses a significant threat to humans, having killed about half of the roughly 1000 people worldwide who tested positive for it since 2003. While the pathogen spreads rapidly in birds, it is poorly adapted to infecting humans and isn’t known to transmit between people. But that could change if it acquires mutations that allow it to spread more easily among mammals – a risk that increases with each mammalian infection. The possibility of H5N1 evolving to become more dangerous to people has grown significantly since March 2024, when the virus jumped from migratory birds to dairy cows in Texas. More than 1,070 herds across 17 states have been affected since then. H5N1 also infects poultry, placing the virus in closer proximity to people. Since 2022, nearly 175 million domestic birds have been culled in the US due to H5N1, and almost all of the 71 people who have tested positive for it had direct contact with livestock. Get the most essential health and fitness news in your inbox every Saturday. Sign up to newsletter “We need to take this seriously because whenconstantly is spreading, it’s constantly spilling over into humans,” says Seema Lakdawala at Emory University in Georgia. The virus has already killed a person in the US and a child in Mexico this year. Still, cases have declined under Trump. The last recorded human case was in February, and the number of affected poultry flocks fell 95 per cent between then and June. Outbreaks in dairy herds have also stabilised. It isn’t clear what is behind the decline. Lakdawala believes it is partly due to a lull in bird migration, which reduces opportunities for the virus to spread from wild birds to livestock. It may also reflect efforts by the USDA to contain outbreaks on farms. In February, the USDA unveiled a billion plan for tackling H5N1, including strengthening farmers’ defences against the virus, such as through free biosecurity assessments. Of the 150 facilities that have undergone assessment, only one has experienced an H5N1 outbreak. Under Trump, the USDA also continued its National Milk Testing Strategy, which mandates farms provide raw milk samples for influenza testing. If a farm is positive for H5N1, it must allow the USDA to monitor livestock and implement measures to contain the virus. The USDA launched the programme in December and has since ramped up participation to 45 states. “The National Milk Testing Strategy is a fantastic system,” says Erin Sorrell at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland. Along with the USDA’s efforts to improve biosecurity measures on farms, milk testing is crucial for containing the outbreak, says Sorrell. But while the USDA has bolstered its efforts against H5N1, the HHS doesn’t appear to have followed suit. In fact, the recent drop in human cases may reflect decreased surveillance due to workforce cuts, says Sorrell. In April, the HHS laid off about 10,000 employees, including 90 per cent of staff at the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, an office that helps investigate H5N1 outbreaks in farm workers. “There is an old saying that if you don’t test for something, you can’t find it,” says Sorrell. Yet a spokesperson for the US Centers for Disease Control and Preventionsays its guidance and surveillance efforts have not changed. “State and local health departments continue to monitor for illness in persons exposed to sick animals,” they told New Scientist. “CDC remains committed to rapidly communicating information as needed about H5N1.” The USDA and HHS also diverge on vaccination. While the USDA has allocated million toward developing vaccines and other solutions for preventing H5N1’s spread in livestock, the HHS cancelled million in contracts for influenza vaccine development. The contracts – terminated on 28 May – were with the pharmaceutical company Moderna to develop vaccines targeting flu subtypes, including H5N1, that could cause future pandemics. The news came the same day Moderna reported nearly 98 per cent of the roughly 300 participants who received two doses of the H5 vaccine in a clinical trial had antibody levels believed to be protective against the virus. The US has about five million H5N1 vaccine doses stockpiled, but these are made using eggs and cultured cells, which take longer to produce than mRNA-based vaccines like Moderna’s. The Moderna vaccine would have modernised the stockpile and enabled the government to rapidly produce vaccines in the event of a pandemic, says Sorrell. “It seems like a very effective platform and would have positioned the US and others to be on good footing if and when we needed a vaccine for our general public,” she says. The HHS cancelled the contracts due to concerns about mRNA vaccines, which Robert F Kennedy Jr – the country’s highest-ranking public health official – has previously cast doubt on. “The reality is that mRNA technology remains under-tested, and we are not going to spend taxpayer dollars repeating the mistakes of the last administration,” said HHS communications director Andrew Nixon in a statement to New Scientist. However, mRNA technology isn’t new. It has been in development for more than half a century and numerous clinical trials have shown mRNA vaccines are safe. While they do carry the risk of side effects – the majority of which are mild – this is true of almost every medical treatment. In a press release, Moderna said it would explore alternative funding paths for the programme. “My stance is that we should not be looking to take anything off the table, and that includes any type of vaccine regimen,” says Lakdawala. “Vaccines are the most effective way to counter an infectious disease,” says Sorrell. “And so having that in your arsenal and ready to go just give you more options.” Topics: #how #agriculture #agency #became #key
    WWW.NEWSCIENTIST.COM
    How a US agriculture agency became key in the fight against bird flu
    A dangerous strain of bird flu is spreading in US livestockMediaMedium/Alamy Since Donald Trump assumed office in January, the leading US public health agency has pulled back preparations for a potential bird flu pandemic. But as it steps back, another government agency is stepping up. While the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) previously held regular briefings on its efforts to prevent a wider outbreak of a deadly bird flu virus called H5N1 in people, it largely stopped once Trump took office. It has also cancelled funding for a vaccine that would have targeted the virus. In contrast, the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) has escalated its fight against H5N1’s spread in poultry flocks and dairy herds, including by funding the development of livestock vaccines. This particular virus – a strain of avian influenza called H5N1 – poses a significant threat to humans, having killed about half of the roughly 1000 people worldwide who tested positive for it since 2003. While the pathogen spreads rapidly in birds, it is poorly adapted to infecting humans and isn’t known to transmit between people. But that could change if it acquires mutations that allow it to spread more easily among mammals – a risk that increases with each mammalian infection. The possibility of H5N1 evolving to become more dangerous to people has grown significantly since March 2024, when the virus jumped from migratory birds to dairy cows in Texas. More than 1,070 herds across 17 states have been affected since then. H5N1 also infects poultry, placing the virus in closer proximity to people. Since 2022, nearly 175 million domestic birds have been culled in the US due to H5N1, and almost all of the 71 people who have tested positive for it had direct contact with livestock. Get the most essential health and fitness news in your inbox every Saturday. Sign up to newsletter “We need to take this seriously because when [H5N1] constantly is spreading, it’s constantly spilling over into humans,” says Seema Lakdawala at Emory University in Georgia. The virus has already killed a person in the US and a child in Mexico this year. Still, cases have declined under Trump. The last recorded human case was in February, and the number of affected poultry flocks fell 95 per cent between then and June. Outbreaks in dairy herds have also stabilised. It isn’t clear what is behind the decline. Lakdawala believes it is partly due to a lull in bird migration, which reduces opportunities for the virus to spread from wild birds to livestock. It may also reflect efforts by the USDA to contain outbreaks on farms. In February, the USDA unveiled a $1 billion plan for tackling H5N1, including strengthening farmers’ defences against the virus, such as through free biosecurity assessments. Of the 150 facilities that have undergone assessment, only one has experienced an H5N1 outbreak. Under Trump, the USDA also continued its National Milk Testing Strategy, which mandates farms provide raw milk samples for influenza testing. If a farm is positive for H5N1, it must allow the USDA to monitor livestock and implement measures to contain the virus. The USDA launched the programme in December and has since ramped up participation to 45 states. “The National Milk Testing Strategy is a fantastic system,” says Erin Sorrell at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland. Along with the USDA’s efforts to improve biosecurity measures on farms, milk testing is crucial for containing the outbreak, says Sorrell. But while the USDA has bolstered its efforts against H5N1, the HHS doesn’t appear to have followed suit. In fact, the recent drop in human cases may reflect decreased surveillance due to workforce cuts, says Sorrell. In April, the HHS laid off about 10,000 employees, including 90 per cent of staff at the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, an office that helps investigate H5N1 outbreaks in farm workers. “There is an old saying that if you don’t test for something, you can’t find it,” says Sorrell. Yet a spokesperson for the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) says its guidance and surveillance efforts have not changed. “State and local health departments continue to monitor for illness in persons exposed to sick animals,” they told New Scientist. “CDC remains committed to rapidly communicating information as needed about H5N1.” The USDA and HHS also diverge on vaccination. While the USDA has allocated $100 million toward developing vaccines and other solutions for preventing H5N1’s spread in livestock, the HHS cancelled $776 million in contracts for influenza vaccine development. The contracts – terminated on 28 May – were with the pharmaceutical company Moderna to develop vaccines targeting flu subtypes, including H5N1, that could cause future pandemics. The news came the same day Moderna reported nearly 98 per cent of the roughly 300 participants who received two doses of the H5 vaccine in a clinical trial had antibody levels believed to be protective against the virus. The US has about five million H5N1 vaccine doses stockpiled, but these are made using eggs and cultured cells, which take longer to produce than mRNA-based vaccines like Moderna’s. The Moderna vaccine would have modernised the stockpile and enabled the government to rapidly produce vaccines in the event of a pandemic, says Sorrell. “It seems like a very effective platform and would have positioned the US and others to be on good footing if and when we needed a vaccine for our general public,” she says. The HHS cancelled the contracts due to concerns about mRNA vaccines, which Robert F Kennedy Jr – the country’s highest-ranking public health official – has previously cast doubt on. “The reality is that mRNA technology remains under-tested, and we are not going to spend taxpayer dollars repeating the mistakes of the last administration,” said HHS communications director Andrew Nixon in a statement to New Scientist. However, mRNA technology isn’t new. It has been in development for more than half a century and numerous clinical trials have shown mRNA vaccines are safe. While they do carry the risk of side effects – the majority of which are mild – this is true of almost every medical treatment. In a press release, Moderna said it would explore alternative funding paths for the programme. “My stance is that we should not be looking to take anything off the table, and that includes any type of vaccine regimen,” says Lakdawala. “Vaccines are the most effective way to counter an infectious disease,” says Sorrell. “And so having that in your arsenal and ready to go just give you more options.” Topics:
    0 Commenti 0 condivisioni
  • An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment

    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro.Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22.

    If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster.
    Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral.
    Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet.

    At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas. Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites.
    Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement.
    I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two studentsstill in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa.

    Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent: this extraordinary revivalthe rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own.
    And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses ofstate or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research.
    There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms. 

    We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover.
    Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint.
    #excerpt #new #book #sérgio #ferro
    An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment
    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro.Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22. If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster. Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral. Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet. At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas. Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites. Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement. I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two studentsstill in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa. Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent: this extraordinary revivalthe rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own. And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses ofstate or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research. There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms.  We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover. Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint. #excerpt #new #book #sérgio #ferro
    An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment
    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro. (Douglas Spencer reviewed it for AN.) Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22. If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster. Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral. Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet. At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas (which we aspired to be a part of, like the pretentious students we were). Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites. Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement. I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two students (Flávio Império joined us a little later) still in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa. Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent:  […] this extraordinary revival […] the rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own. And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses of (any) state or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research. There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms.  We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética [this is ethics]. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover. Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint.
    0 Commenti 0 condivisioni