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Casa Morena | © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG In the coastal enclave of Lagos, Portugal, Mário Martins Atelier has crafted Casa Morena. This residence quietly asserts itself as an ode to the dialogue between architecture and its natural setting. Completed in 2024, this project demonstrates a considered response to its environment, where the interplay of light, material, and landscape defines a sense of place rather than architectural imposition. Casa Morena Technical Information Architects1-5: Mário Martins Atelier Location: Lagos, Portugal Project Years: 2024 Photographs: © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG A simple house, one that wishes to be discreet and to be influenced by its location, to become a house that is pleasant with thoughtful landscaping. – Mário Martins Atelier Casa Morena Photographs © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG © Fernando Guerra / FG+SG A Contextual Response to Landscape and Light The design of Casa Morena finds its genesis in the site itself, a pine-scented plot overlooking the expanse of a bay. The pine trees, longstanding witnesses to the landscape’s evolution, provide the project’s visual anchor and spatial logic. In a move that both respects and celebrates these natural elements, Mário Martins Atelier structured the house’s reticulated plan to echo the presence of the trees, creating a composition that unfolds as a series of volumes harmonizing with the vertical rhythm of the trunks. The solid base of the house, built from locally sourced schist, emerges directly from the terrain. These robust walls establish a tactile continuity with the ground, their rough textures anchoring the architecture within the landscape. In contrast, the upper volumes of the house adopt a distinctly lighter expression: horizontal planes rendered in white plaster, their smooth surfaces catching and refracting the region’s luminous sun. This duality, earthbound solidity, and aerial lightness establish an architectural narrative rooted in the elemental. Casa Morena Experiential Flow Casa Morena’s spatial arrangement articulates a clear hierarchy of public and private domains. On the ground floor, the house embraces openness and transparency. An expansive entrance hall blurs the threshold inside and out, guiding inhabitants and visitors into a luminous social heart. The lounge, kitchen, and office flow seamlessly into the garden, unified by a continuous glazed façade that invites the outside in. This deliberate porosity extends to a covered terrace, an intermediary space that dissolves the boundary between shelter and exposure. The terrace, framed by the garden’s green canopy and the swimming pool’s long line, becomes a place of repose and contemplation. The pool itself demarcates the transition from a cultivated garden to the looser, more rugged landscape beyond, its linear form echoing the horizon’s expanse. Ascending to the upper floor, the architectural language shifts towards intimacy. The bedrooms, each with direct access to terraces and patios, create secluded zones that still maintain a fluid relationship with the outdoors. A discreet rooftop terrace, accessible from these private quarters, offers a hidden sanctuary where the interplay of views and light remains uninterrupted. Material Tectonics and Environmental Strategy Casa Morena’s material palette is rooted in regional specificity and tactile sensibility. Schist, extracted from the site, is not merely a structural element but a narrative thread linking the building to its geological past. Its earthy warmth and rugged surface provide a counterpoint to the luminous white of the upper volumes, an articulation of contrast that enlivens the building’s silhouette. White, the chromatic signature of the Algarve region, is employed with restraint and nuance. Its reflective qualities intensify the play of shadow and light, a dynamic that shifts with the passing of the day. In this interplay, architecture becomes an instrument for registering the ephemeral, and the environment itself becomes a participant in the spatial drama. Environmental stewardship is also woven into the project’s DNA. Discreetly integrated systems on the roof harness solar energy and manage water resources, extending the house’s commitment to a sustainable coexistence with its setting. Casa Morena Plans Basement | © Mario Martins Atelier Ground Level | © Mario Martins Atelier Upper Level | © Mario Martins Atelier Roof Plan | © Mario Martins Atelier Elevations | © Mario Martins Atelier Casa Morena Image Gallery About Mário Martins Atelier Mário Martins Atelier is an architectural studio based in Lagos and Lisbon, Portugal, led by Mário Martins. The practice is known for its context-sensitive approach, crafting contemporary projects seamlessly integrating with their surroundings while prioritizing regional materials and environmental considerations. Credits and Additional Notes Lead Architect: Mário Martins, arq. Project Team: Nuno Colaço, Sónia Fialho, Susana Jóia, Mariana Franco, Ana Graça Engineering: Nuno Grave Engenharia Landscape: HB-Hipolito Bettencourt – Arquitectura Paisagista, Lda. Building Contractor: Marques Antunes Engenharia Lda.

“I want to make a big announcement,” said Faryar Shirzad, the chief policy officer of Coinbase, to a nearly empty room. His words echoed across the massive hall at the Bitcoin Conference, deep in the caverns of The Venetian Expo in Las Vegas, and it wasn’t apparent how many people were watching on the livestream. Then again, somebody out there may have been interested in the panelists he was interviewing, one of whom was unusual by Bitcoin Conference standards: Chris LaCivita, the political consultant who’d co-chaired Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign. “I am super proud to say it on this stage,” Shirzad continued, addressing the dozens of people scattered across 5,000 chairs. “We have just become a major sponsor of the America250 effort.” My jaw dropped. Coinbase, the world’s largest crypto exchange, the owner of 12 percent of the world’s Bitcoin supply, and listed on the S&amp;P 500, was paying for Trump to hold a military parade.No wonder they made the announcement in an empty room. Today was “Code and Country”: an entire day of MAGA-themed panels on the Nakamoto Main Stage, full of Republican legislators, White House officials, and political operatives, all of whom praised Trump as the savior of the crypto world. But Code and Country was part of Industry Day, which was VIP only and closed to General Admission holders — the people with the $199 tickets, who flocked to the conference seeking wisdom from brilliant technologists and fabulously wealthy crypto moguls, who believed that decentralized currency on a blockchain could not be controlled by government authoritarians. They’d have drowned Shirzad in boos if they saw him give money to Donald Trump’s campaign manager, and they would have stormed the Nakamoto stage if they knew the purpose of America250. America250 is a nonprofit established by Congress during Barack Obama’s presidency with a mundane mission: to plan the nationwide festivities for July 4th, 2026, the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. “Who remembers the Bicentennial in 1976?” the co-chair, former U.S. Treasurer Rosie Rios, asked the crowd. “I remember it like it was yesterday, and this one is going to be bigger and better.” But then Trump got re-elected, appointed LaCivita as co-chair, and suddenly, the party was starting earlier. The week before the conference, America250 announced that it would host a “Grand Military Parade” on June 14th to celebrate the U.S. Army’s 250th birthday, releasing tickets for prime seats along the parade route and near the Washington Monument on their website, hosting other festivities on the National Mall, and credentialing the press covering the event. (Their celebrations and events are a different operation from the U.S. Army, which had never planned for a parade to celebrate its 250th birthday, much less a military parade, but is now spending up to $45 million in taxpayer dollars to make the parade happen.) According to the most recent statements from Army officials, the parade will include hundreds of cannons, dozens of Black Hawk and Chinook helicopters, fighter jets, bombers, and 150 military vehicles, including Bradley Fighting Vehicles, Stryker Fighting Vehicles, Humvees, and if the logistics work out, 25 (or more) M1 Abrams tanks. Trump had spent years trying to get the government to throw a military parade — primarily because he’d attended a Bastille Day parade in France and became jealous — and now that he was back in office, he’d finally eliminated everyone in the government who previously told him that the budget didn’t exist for such a parade, that the tank treads would ruin the streets and collapse the bridges, that the optics of tanks, guns and soldiers marching down Constitution Avenue were too authoritarian and fascist. June 14th also happens to be Donald Trump’s birthday.And Coinbase, whose CEO once told his employees to stop bringing politics into the workplace, was now footing the bill — if not for this military parade watch party, then for the one inevitably happening next year, when America actually turns 250, or any other festivities between now and then that may or may not fall on Trump’s birthday. (This wasn’t the first party they helped fund, though. Earlier this year, Coinbase wrote a $1 million check to Trump’s inauguration committee. One month later, the SEC announced that it was dropping an investigation into Coinbase.) I had to keep reminding myself that I was at the Bitcoin Conference. I’d been desperately looking for the goofy, degenerate party vibes that my coworkers who’d covered previous crypto conferences told me about: inflated swans with QR codes. Multimillionaires strolling around the Nakamoto Stage in shiba inu pajamas. Folks who communicated in memes and acronyms. Celebrity athletes who were actual celebrities. “Bitcoin yoga,” whatever that was. Afterparties with drugs, lots of drugs, and probably the mind-bending designer kind. And hey, Las Vegas was the global capital of goofy, degenerate partying. But no, I was stuck in a prolonged flashback to every single Republican event I’ve covered over the past ten years – Trump rallies, conservative conferences, GOP conventions, and MAGA fundraisers, with Lee Greenwood’s “God Bless the USA” playing on an endless loop. There was an emcee endlessly praising Trump, encouraging the audience to clap for Trump, and reminding everyone about how great it was that Trump spoke at the Conference last year, which all sounds even stranger when said in an Australian accent. In addition to LaCivita, there were four GOP Congressmen, four GOP Senators, one Trump-appointed SEC Commissioner, one Treasury Official, two senior White House officials (including David Sacks, the White House crypto and A.I. czar), and two of Trump’s sons. All of them, too, spent time praising Trump as the first “crypto president.” (Vice President J.D. Vance would be speaking the next day to the general admission crowd, but he was probably going to praise Trump, too.) The titles of the panels seemed to be run through some sort of MAGA generative AI system: The Next Golden Age of America. The American Super Grid. Making America the Global Bitcoin Superpower. The New Declaration of Independence: Bitcoin and the Path Out of the U.S. National Debt Crisis. (Speaker: Vivek Ramaswamy.) Uncancleable: Bitcoin, Rumble &amp; Free Speech Technology. (Speaker: Donald Trump Jr.) The only difference was that this MAGA conference was funded by crypto. And if crypto was paying for a MAGA conference, and they had to play “God Bless the USA,” they were bringing in a string quartet.Annoyed that I had not yet seen a single Shiba Inu — no, Jim Justice’s celebrity bulldog was not the same thing — I left Nakamoto and went back to the press area. It hadn’t turned into Fox News yet, but I could see MAGA’s presence seeping into the world of podcasters and vloggers. A Newsmax reporter (great blowout, jewel-toned sheath dress, heels to the heavens, very camera-ready) was interviewing White House official Bo Hines (clean-cut, former Yale football player and GOP congressional candidate, nice suit), right before he was hustled onstage for a panel with a member of the U.S. Treasury. Soon, Rep. Byron Donalds (R-FL) was doing an interview gauntlet while his senior aides stood by, one wearing a pink plaid blazer that could have easily been Brooks Brothers. Over on the Genesis Stage, the CEO of PragerU, a right wing media company that attacks higher education, was interviewing the CEO of the 1792 Exchange, a right-wing nonprofit that attacks companies for engaging in “woke business practices” such as diversity initiatives. (Leveraging Bitcoin’s Values to Shift the Culture in America.) I walked into the main expo center, past a crypto podcaster in a sequined bomber jacket talking to a Wall Street Journal reporter. For some reason, his presence was a relief. Even though he was clearly a Trump supporter — his jacket said TRUMP: THE GOLDEN AGE on the back — there was something more janky and homegrown, less corporate, about him. But the moment I looked up and saw a massive sign that said STEAKTOSHI, the unease returned. A ghoulish-looking group of executives from Steak ‘n Shake, the fast food company with over 450 locations across the globe, had gathered under the sign in a replica of the restaurant. They were selling jars of beef tallow, with a choice of grass-fed or Wagyu, and giving out a MAKE FRYING OIL TALLOW AGAIN hat with every purchase an overt embrace of the right-wing conspiracy that cooking with regular seed oils would lower one’s testosterone. (Relevant to the conference: they were also advertising that their restaurants now accepted Bitcoin.)Andrew Gordon, the head of Main Street Crypto PAC, had been to five previous Bitcoin Conferences and worked on crypto tax policy since 2014. He’d seen Trump speak at the last conference in Nashville during the election, and the audience – not typically unquestioning MAGA superfans – had melted into adoring goo in Trump’s presence. But now that Trump was using his presidential powers to establish a Bitcoin reserve, roll back federal investigations into crypto companies, and order massive changes to financial regulatory policies — in short, changing the entire market on crypto’s behalf with the stroke of a pen — Gordon clocked a notable vibe shift this year. “There are people wearing suits at a Bitcoin conference,” he told me wryly back in the press lounge. (He, too, was wearing a suit). The change wasn’t due to a new breed of Suit People flooding in. It was the Bitcoin veterans the ones who’d been coming to the conference for years, dressed in loud Versace jackets or old holey t-shirts – who were now in business attire. “They’re now recognizing the level of formality and how serious it is.”According to the Bitcoin Conference organizers, out of the 35,000-plus attendees in Vegas this year, 17.1 percent of them were categorized as “institutional and corporate decision-makers” — a vague way to describe politicians, corporate executives, and the rest of the C-suite world. Whenever they weren’t speaking onstage, they were conducting interviews with outlets hand-selected from dozens of media requests that had been filtered through the conference organizers, or in Q&amp;A sessions with people who’d bought the $21,000 Whale Pass and could access the VIP Lounge. (Yes, the industry-only day of the conference had an even more exclusive tier.) They were sidebarring with crypto CEOs outside the conference for round tables, privately meeting Senators for lunch and White House officials for dinner. Gordon himself had just held a private breakfast for industry insiders, with GOP Senators Marsha Blackburn and Cynthia Lummis as special guests. And for the very, very wealthy, MAGA Inc., Trump’s primary super PAC, was holding a fundraising dinner in Vegas that night, with Vance, Don Jr., and Eric Trump in attendance. That ticket, according to The Washington Post, cost $1 million per person.It was the kind of amoral, backroom behavior that would have sent the General Admission attendees into a rage — and they did the next day, when the convention opened to them. During one extremely packed talk at the Genesis Stage called Are Bitcoiners Becoming Sycophants of the State?, a moderator asked the four panelists what they’d like to say to Vance and Sacks and all the politicians who’d been there yesterday. And Erik Cason erupted.“‘What you’re doing is actually immoral and bad. You hurt people. You actively want to use the state to implement violence against others.’ 
That’s like, fucked up and wrong,” said Cason, the author of “Cryptosovereignty,” to a crowd of hundreds. “If you personally wanna like, go to Yemen and try to stab those people, that’s on you. But asking other people to go do that – it is a fucked up and terrible thing.” He grew more heated. “And also fuck you. You’re not, like, a king. You’re supposed to be liable to the law, too. 
And I don’t appreciate you trying to think that that you just get to advance the state however the fuck you want, because you have power.”“These are the violent thugs who killed hundreds of millions of people over the last century,” agreed Bruce Fenton of Chainstone Labs. “They have nothing on us. All we wanna do is run some code and trade it around our nerd money. Leave us alone.”The audience burst into cheers and applause. Bitcoin was the promise of freedom from the government, who’d murdered and stolen and tried to control their lives, and now that their wealth was on the blockchain, no one could take their sovereignty. “Personally, I don’t really care what they [the politicians] think,” said American HODL, whose title on the conference site was “guy with 6.15 bitcoin,” the derision clear in his voice. “They are employees who work for us, so their thoughts and opinions on the matter are irrelevant. Do what the fuck we tell you to do.
 I don’t work for you. I’m not underneath you. You’re underneath me.” But the politicians weren’t going to listen to them, much less talk to them. The politicians spent the conference surrounded by aides and security who stopped people from approaching – I’m sorry, the Senator has to leave for an engagement now – or safely inside the VIP rooms with the $21,000-dollar Whale Pass holders and the million-dollar donors. By the time American HODL said that the politicians worked for him, they were on flights out of Vegas, having gotten what they wanted from Code and Country, an event that was closed to General Admission pass holders.Coinbase’s executives were at Code and Country, however. Coinbase held over 984,000 Bitcoin, more coins than American HODL could mine in a lifetime. And Coinbase was now a sponsor of Donald Trump’s birthday military parade. The Nakamoto Stage during Code + Country at the Bitcoin Conference.After David Sacks and the Winklevoss twins finished explaining how Trump had saved the crypto industry from Sen. Elizabeth Warren (or as one Winklevoss called her, “Pocahontas”), I was jonesing for a drink. A few other reporters on the ground had told me about “Code, Country and Cocktails,” the America250 afterparty held at the Ayu Dayclub at Resort World, and I signed up immediately. Reporters at past Bitcoin Conferences had promised legendary side-event depravity, and I hoped I would find it there. As I entered the lush, tropical nightclub, I saw two white-gloved hands sticking out the side of the wall, each holding a glass of champagne at crotch level. I reached out for a flute, thinking it was maybe just a fucked-up piece of art, and gasped as the hand let go of the stem, disappeared into the hole, and emerged seconds later with another full champagne glass. Past the champagne glory hole wall — there was really no other way to describe it — was a massive outdoor swimming pool, surrounded by chefs serving up endless portions of steak frites, unguarded magnums of Moët casually stacked in ice buckets, the professional Beautiful Women of Las Vegas draped around Peter Schiff, the famous economist/podcaster/Bitcoin skeptic. When not booked for private events, the crescent-shaped pool at Ayu would be filled with drunk people in swim suits, dancing to DJ Kaskade. No one was in the pool tonight. Depravity was not happening here. In fact, there was more networking going on than partying, and it was somehow more engaging than Bone Thugs-N-Harmony suddenly appearing onstage to perform. And it was distinctly not just about making money in crypto. A good percentage of this crowd wore some derivative of a MAGA hat, and anyone who could show off their photos of them with Trump did so. This, I realized, was how crypto bros did politics — a new game for them, where success and influence was not necessarily quantifiable. “Crypto got Trump elected,” Greg Grseziak, an agent who manages crypto influencers, told me, showing me his Trump photo opp. “In four years, this is going to be the biggest event in the presidential race.”Grzesiak walked off to do more networking, I finished my glory hole champagne, and in the meantime, Bone Thugs had started performing “East 1999”. A fellow reporter leaned over. “Who do you think those guys are?” he asked, pointing to a group of extremely tall white men in suits and lanyards, standing behind a velvet rope to the left of the stage.I walked over to investigate. They looked like the group of Steak ‘n Shake executives I met at the Expo Hall — the ones with the beef tallow jars and derivative MAGA hats — and they were lurking next to the stage, watching the rappers like vultures but barely moving to the music. This scene was too preposterous to actually be real: Steak ‘n Shake executives, at the Bitcoin Conference, attending a party for America250, in the VIP section, during a Bone Thugs-n-Harmony set? “Shout out to Steak ‘n Shake for being the first fast food restaurant to accept Bitcoin!” announced one of the Bones. The company logo appeared on a screen above his head.No flashy Vegas magic (or dancers in cow costumes, now shimmying onstage with Steak ‘n Shake signs) could mask what I just saw. This party was co-sponsored by a MAGA-branded fast-food chain owned by Sardar Biglari, a businessman who had purchased Maxim, became its editor-in-chief, and used the smutty magazine to endorse Trump in 2024. So was Frax, the stablecoin exchange, and Exodus, one of the biggest crypto wallet companies in the market. Bitcoin Magazine’s logo flashed across the stage at one point, as editor-in-chief David Bailey, in his own derivative MAGA hat, tried to hype up the crowd for J.D. Vance’s speech the next day. (“You only get to live history once,” he said, to faint cheers.)For some unknown reason, these companies were all putting their money into America250, and as I had to keep reminding myself, America250 — the government nonprofit in charge of planning the country’s celebrations of the 250th anniversary of the Declaration’s signing — was currently working to get tanks in the streets of Washington DC for Donald Trump’s birthday. I went for one last champagne flute from the glory hole, just for the novelty, and as the hand disappeared back into the wall, I caught something I’d missed earlier: above the hole was a logo for TRON, the blockchain exchange run by billionaire Justin Sun. He had faced several fraud investigations from the SEC that magically disappeared after he invested $75 million in a Trump family crypto company, and seemed more than happy to keep throwing crypto money at Trump. Recently, he won the $TRUMP meme coin dinner, spending over $16 million on the token in exchange for a private and controversial dinner with the president.TRON was also cosponsoring the America250 party.Earlier, I’d run into the Australian emcee in the elevator of The Palazzo. She’d spent the day teetering across the Nakamoto Stage in dainty kitten heels, a pinstriped blazer and miniskirt suit set, and given the gratuitous Trump praising and the fact she was blonde, I had stereotyped her as MAGA to the core. But the program was over and she was holding her heels by their ankle straps, barefoot and sighing in relief. This was not her usual style, she told an attendee. She’d take a pair of sneakers over heels if she could. But the conference organizers had told her to dress up because there were senators in attendance. “Tomorrow, the real Bitcoiners are coming,” she said, and she’d get to wear flat shoes. And the next morning, on the day of Vance’s speech, I found myself stuck outside the conference with the “real Bitcoiners.” In spite of all the emails that the conference had sent me reminding me of how strict security measures would be, possibly to overcorrect from last year’s utter shitshow around Trump’s appearance, I’d woken up too late, eaten my bagel too leisurely, got sidetracked by a police officer-turned-Bitcoin investor excited I was wearing orange (whoops), and barely missed the cutoff for the Secret Service to let me in. But the conference had set up televisions with a live feed of Vance’s speech, and the rest of the general admission attendees were remarkably chill about it, opting to mingle in the hallways until the Secret Service left. I found myself in a smaller crowd near the expo hall door, next to a young man carrying a live miniature Shiba Inu (“It’s a tiny doge!” he said proudly), and the podcaster I’d seen earlier in the sequined bomber jacket. He introduced himself as Action CEO, and with nothing else to do but wait — “You can watch the [Vance] replay,” he reassured me, “these events are mainly about networking” — we got to talking. “I’m actually excited that Trump isn’t even here, I’ll be honest with you,” he said, speaking with a rapid cadence. Trump was ultimately just one guy, and the fact that he sent his underlings and political allies — the ones who could actually implement his grand promises for the crypto industry — proved he hadn’t just been paying lip service. That said, it had come with some uncomfortable changes, including the re-emergence of Justin Sun. “It’s a little bit concerning when you say, All right, we don’t care what you did in the past. Come on out, clean slate,” he continued. “That’s the concern right now for most people. Seeing people that did wrong by the space coming back and acting like nothing happened? That’s a little concerning.” And not just that: Sun was back in the United States, having dinner with Trump, and giving him millions of dollars. “If you’re sitting in a room and having a conversation, people are literally gonna go, yeah, it’s kind of sketch that this guy is back here after everything that’s happened. You’re not gonna see it published, because it’s not a popular opinion, but we’re all definitely talking about it.” If Action’s friends weren’t comfortable talking about it openly, that fraudsters with enough money were suddenly back in the mix, it was certainly not the kind of conversation the CEOs were going to have in front of the General Admission crowd. (Though it did mean that the emcee, looking much happier than she did the day before, got to wear low-heeled boots and shorts.) But behind closed doors — or at least at the Code and Country panels, where the base pass attendees couldn’t boo them — they gave a sense of what their backroom conversations with the Trump administration did look like.“I was actually at a dinner last night and one of the things that someone from the admin said was, What if we give you guys everything you want and then you guys forget? Because there’s midterms in 2026, and hopefully 2028, and beyond,” said Sam Kazemian, the founder and CEO of Frax, which had sponsored the America250 party. “But one of the things I said was: We as an industry are very, very loyal. The crypto community has a very, very, very strong memory. And once this industry is legalized, is transparent, is safe, all of the big players understand that this wasn’t possible without this administration, this Congress, this Senate. We’re lifelong, career-long allies.”“Loyalty” is a dangerous concept with this president, who’s cheated on his three wives, stopped paying the legal fees for employees who’d taken the fall for him, ended the careers of sympathetic MAGA Republicans for insufficiently coddling him, withdrew security for government employees experiencing death threats for the sin of contradicting him in public by citing facts. It was only weeks ago that he and Vance were publicly screaming at Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky, who was at the White House to request more aid in the war against Russia, for not saying “thank you” in front of the cameras. It would be less than a week before he began threatening to cancel all of Elon Musk’s government contracts when the billionaire criticized the size of Trump’s budget, even though Musk had given him millions and helped him purge the government. And if you were to find a photo of any political leader, billionaire or CEO standing vacant-eyed next to Trump and shaking his hand, the circumstances are practically a given: they had recently made him unhappy, either for criticizing him, making an imagined slight, or simply asserting themselves. The only way they could avoid public humiliation, or their businesses being crushed via executive order, was to go to Mar-a-Lago, tell the world that the president was wonderful, and underwrite a giant party for his birthday military parade. Maybe Kazemian knew he was being tested, or maybe the 32-year old Ron Paul superfan had no idea what the administration was asking of him. Either way, he responded correctly. At least one person at the conference was thinking about ways that the government could betray the Bitcoin community. As the panel on Bitcoiners becoming sycophants of the state wrapped up, and the other panelists finished telling the government pigs to go fuck themselves and keep their hands off their nerd money, the moderator turned to Casey Rodarmor, a software engineer-turned-crypto influencer, for the last question: “Tell everyone here why Bitcoin wins, regardless of what happens.”“Oh, man, I don’t know if Bitcoin wins, regardless of what happens,” he responded, frowning. He had already gamed out one feasible situation where Bitcoin lost: “If we all of a sudden saw a very rapid inflation in a lot of fiat currencies, and there was a plausible scapegoat in Bitcoin all over the world, and they were able to make a sort of marketing claim that Bitcoin is causing this — Bitcoin is making your savings go to zero, it’s causing this carnage to the economy — 
If that happens worldwide, I think that’s really scary.” The moderator froze, the crowd murmured nervously, and I thought about the number of times Trump had blamed a group of people for problems they’d never caused. An awful lot of them were now being deported. “I take that seriously,” Rodarmor continued. “I don’t know that Bitcoin will succeed. I think that Bitcoin is incredibly strong, it’s incredibly difficult to fuck up. But in that case… man, I don’t know.” I had asked Action CEO earlier if Kazemian, the Frax CEO, was right — if the crypto world was unquestioningly loyal to Trump, if their support of him was unconditional. “Oh, it’s definitely conditional,” he said without hesitation, as his Trump jacket glittered under the fluorescent lights. “It’s a matter of, are you going to be doing the right things by us, by the people who are here?” We walked down the expo hall, past booths promising life-changing technological marvels, alongside thousands of people flooding into Nakamoto Hall, ready to learn how to become unfathomably rich, who paid $199 to be there.The audience of “Are Bitcoiners Becoming Sychophants of the State?”, Day Two of the Bitcoin ConferenceSee More:

Science &amp; technology | ScrollytellingHow old are the Dead Sea Scrolls? An AI model can help Scientists are using it to estimate the age of ancient handwriting Sensitive subjectPhotograph: Israel Antiquities Authority/Shai Halevi Jun 5th 2025EVER SINCE the Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered by Bedouin shepherds in the 1940s, debate has raged over their exact age. The scrolls, which contain the earliest surviving copies of books from the Hebrew Bible and other religious texts, mostly written in Aramaic and Hebrew, are thought to have been compiled sometime between 300BC and 200AD. Dating each of the 1,000-odd individual scrolls would help historians understand how literacy spread among ancient Jewish populations and the first Christians, and offer a valuable window into the genesis of the sacred texts. But scholars hoping to do so have had little but their own intuition to rely on.Explore moreThis article appeared in the Science &amp; technology section of the print edition under the headline “Scrollytelling”From the June 7th 2025 editionDiscover stories from this section and more in the list of contents⇒Explore the editionReuse this content

Nintendo has predicted it will sell 15 million Switch 2s in its current financial year. Analysts think the number is conservative; Nintendo says the price of the Switch 2 is what’s holding back that estimate. But what does that mean, really? Is it a reasonable target? If Nintendo hits it, does that guarantee the Switch 2 will be a massive hit? If a console sells out at launch, what does that tell us? Is there still a chance of a Wii U-style flop? It’s impossible to know for sure, but a look at all of Nintendo’s past console launches can provide some clues. I’ve dug deep into past Nintendo sales figures to determine which Nintendo consoles enjoyed the best launches. To get a more reliable picture than that initial, almost inevitable sellout, I’ve defined the launch as the console’s first year (or rather, first four financial quarters) on the market. Note that Nintendo only started reporting quarterly sales for its systems in the mid-2000s, and the earliest data is annual at best and hard to come by, so some of these numbers are approximate. Note, too, that older systems had staggered launches across the three major markets (Japan, North America, and Europe), sometimes over several years, slowing down their potential sales. Still, there are some surprising results here that put Nintendo’s 15 million forecast for Switch 2 in context. Selling that many units would definitely not be bad news — but it doesn’t indicate a slam-dunk, either. 1. Game Boy Advance First four quarters: approx. 18.1 million Lifetime: 81.51 million (5th overall) Release: March-June 2001 2. 3DS First four quarters: 15.03 million Lifetime: 75.94 million (6th) Release: February-March 2011 There’s a clear pattern to Nintendo’s two fastest sellers; they were successors to massive hits (the Game Boy and DS) in the handheld market, where Nintendo enjoyed total dominance. Nintendo was so bullish about Game Boy Advance, following the decade-long reign of the Game Boy format, that it forecast an astonishing 24 million sales in its first year, while 3DS followed Nintendo’s biggest seller ever. Both sold well, but neither quite lived up to their forebears. 3. Switch First four quarters: 14.86 million Lifetime: 152.12 million (2nd, for now) Release: March 2017 4. Wii First four quarters: 13.17 million Lifetime: 101.63 million (4th) Release: November-December 2006 The Switch and the Wii are the only Nintendo consoles with sales over 10 million in the first year and over 100 million in their lifetimes. Quarter for quarter, they both sold incredibly consistently over time. This is surely what Nintendo would like all its hardware launches to look like, and what it’s hoping for with the Switch 2. 5. DS First four quarters: 8.83 million Lifetime: 154.02m (1st, for now) Release: November 2004-March 2005 It’s a surprise DS didn’t launch more strongly, considering the runaway early sales of its handheld predecessor, Game Boy Advance. But its launch games weren’t the best and it took a while for the console’s strange design to find its eventual massive casual audience. In its fifth quarter — holiday 2005 — it suddenly took off. 6. GameCube First four quarters: approx. 6.7 million Lifetime: 21.74 million (10th) Release: Sep 2001-May 2002 7. Nintendo 64 First four quarters: 5.80 million Lifetime: 32.93 million (9th) Release: June 1996-March 1997 The two Nintendo home consoles made during PlayStation’s ascendency enjoyed reasonably strong launches but petered out due to a lack of software support. GameCube sold 30% of its lifetime total in its first year on sale — an unfortunate achievement that beats even Wii U’s dismal ratio. 8. Game Boy First four quarters: 3.93 million Lifetime: 118.69 million (3rd) Release: April 1989-September 1990 The legend of Game Boy is that it was an instant smash, thanks to the high-stakes acquisition of Tetris. But while its launch was healthy for the time, it didn’t begin to indicate what Nintendo’s defining handheld would achieve — sales in the first year (before it reached Europe) were just 3% of what it would go on to sell across Game Boy and Game Boy Color. 9. Wii U First four quarters: 3.91 million Lifetime: 13.56 million (11th) Release: November-December 2012 Nintendo’s most recent (but not its worst) flop actually started quite strongly, shifting over 3 million units in its first quarter — but then suffered a catastrophic drop-off, selling less than 900,000 worldwide during the rest of its first year on sale. Looking past the initial holiday sell-out, the signs of the disaster to come were clear. 10. Super Famicom/SNES First four quarters: approx. 2.9 million (mostly Japan) Lifetime: 49.1 million (8th) Release: November 1990-June 1992  11. Famicom/NES Launch sales: 2.5 million by end of 1984 (Japan only) Lifetime: 61.91 million (7th) Release: July 1983 to 1987 and later Both Nintendo’s early home consoles launched strongly in Japan but took a long time to take off in the West. The NES didn’t fully launch in the U.S. and Europe until 1986, amid caution after the 1980s video game crash, while the SNES was beaten to market in the West by the Sega Genesis and suffered as a result.  12. Virtual Boy Launch and lifetime sales: 770,000 Release: July-August 1995 You can’t get a worse launch than being discontinued within a year of going on sale! — What does this mean for Switch 2’s launch? If Nintendo meets or exceeds its target of 15 million Switch 2s sold in its first financial year, it will rank among the top Nintendo console launches ever. A Wii U-style flop looks very unlikely, unless sales drop off sharply after its first few months. But the most telling comparisons here are Nintendo’s top two launches: Game Boy Advance and 3DS. Like Switch 2, they were both conservative, easy-to-understand sequels to huge sellers in a market sector Nintendo had total control of. And while both reached respectable lifetime totals, they got nowhere near the lifetime sales of their more innovative predecessors. Could this be Switch 2’s fate? Judging by Nintendo’s launch history, it’s possible — maybe even likely.

Molex unveiled its Genesis connector and cable system at Computex, targeting future PCIe 7.0 deployments with a design optimized for 128 GT/s signaling.

The $7.6 billion Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America, or HMGMA, is one of the newest and most technologically advanced car factories in the world.The plant, located near Savannah, Georgia, opened its doors in March and will be a key production facility for Hyundai's EVs and PHEVs, as well as those belonging to its Genesis luxury brand and sister company Kia.In a recent interview with Business Insider, Genesis North America COO Tedros Mengiste cited the investment as an example of Hyundai's track record for "visionary and strategic, and long-term thinking."I recently took a behind-the-scenes tour of Hyundai's new megafactory packed with autonomous robots and state-of-the-art tech. The Hyundai Metaplant is situated on a 3,000-acre campus in the south Georgia town of Ellabell. Hyundai's Metaplant America. Hyundai Located just 20 miles from the Port of Savannah, one of the busiest in the US, the plant not only gives Hyundai much-needed manufacturing capacity in the US to avoid import tariffs, but it also affords the company the flexibility to export vehicles abroad.It also gives Hyundai the production footprint to compete against rivals like Tesla, GM, and Rivian, which is also building a new factory in Georgia. Driving up to the factory, it's easy to be wowed by the sheer scale of the sprawling complex. The entryway to the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America campus in Ellabell, Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider It's Hyundai Group's second car factory in the state. The company also operates a $3.2 billion, 2,200-acre facility in West Point, Georgia, that builds Kia EV and ICE SUVs. I drove to the factory in a new 2026 Hyundai Ioniq 9 EV SUV, which is one of the vehicles assembled at the Metaplant. Hyundai Ioniq 9 EVs are parked in front of the lobby at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Hyundai The only other model assembled at the plant is the Hyundai Ioniq 5 EV. My tour began in the plant's modern main lobby. The Metaplant lobby is modern and pleasant. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider Hyundai broke ground on the facility in the fall of 2022 and took just two years to complete construction on the main production buildings. The Metaplant site consists of 11 buildings totalling 7.5 million square feet of space. A map of the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The Metaplant is a marvel of vertical integration, with the goal of having as many key components, ranging from battery packs to seats, made on-site. Here's a Hyundai XCIENT hydrogen fuel cell semi truck used to transport parts and supplies to the factory. A Hyundai XCIENT hydrogen fuel cell truck. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider It's one of 21 emission-free XCIENT trucks deployed around the Metaplant site. The production process starts in the stamping shop, where sheet metal is cut and stamped into parts that will make up the frame of the car. The stamping facility. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The sheet metal is supplied by the on-site Hyundai Steel facility. Stamped parts are transported by automated guided vehicles, or AGVs. Autonomous robots are transporting stamped metal parts. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The plant employs almost 300 AGVs to shuttle everything from spare parts to partially assembled cars. The stamped metal panels are then stored in these massive racks. Racks full of stamped metal sections of Ioniq 5 and Ioniq 9 EVs. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The Metaplant was originally expected to produce up to 300,000 electrified vehicles annually. However, Hyundai announced at the plant's grand opening in March that its capacity will be expanded to 500,000 units in the coming years as part of a new $21 billion investment in US manufacturing. Here are parts of the Ioniq 9, Hyundai's new flagship three-row EV SUV. Parts of the Hyundai Ioniq 9 EV at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The plant is expected to start production of its first Kia model next year. The next part of the tour is the welding shop. Ioniq 5 EVs at the welding facility at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider Here, the stamped metal pieces are welded together by robot to form the body of the vehicle. The work done by the welding robots is then inspected by the plant's human employees known as Meta Pros. The Hyundai Ioniq 5 and Ioniq 9 EVs are going through quality inspections in the welding shop. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The Metplant employees more than 1,300 Meta Pros, nearly 90% of whom were hired locally. There are employee meeting and break areas located along the inspection and assembly areas. Employee break and meeting area at the welding shop. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider An employee cafeteria with remote ordering capability is located in the main assembly building. In addition to human eyes, the vehicles are also inspected by a pair of Boston Dynamics robot dogs called Spot. Boston Dynamics robot dogs inspecting Hyundai Ioniq 5 EVs. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider In 2021, Hyundai acquired an 80% stake in Boston Dynamics in a deal that valued the company at $1.1 billion. After the inspections are complete, a robot loads the partially assembled vehicles onto a conveyor system. Ioniq 5 EVs are about to be lifted onto the conveyor belt to the paint shop. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider Next stop, the paint shop. Unfortunately, my tour did not get access to the paint shop due to concerns that outside visitors may compromise the quality of the paint application. Hyundai EV bodies are moving from the paint shop to the assembly facility at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider After receiving a fresh coat of paint, the vehicles travel through a bridge to the assembly building. Here, the painted bodies are married with their battery packs and skateboard chassis. An Ioniq 5 on the assembly line. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider Hyundai Mobis produces the skateboard chassis in a building next door to the general assembly facility. The Metaplant's on-site battery factory, operated in a joint venture with LG, is expected to come online next year. The plant currently sources its batteries from Hyundai's other facilities, including one in North Georgia that's a joint venture with SK. The vehicles' interiors are then assembled by hand. The Metaplant assembly line, where human workers are joining in. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The further along the production process, the more you see human workers on the assembly line. Partially assembled EVs are shuttled through from area to area by the automated robots. Ioniq 5 EVs at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider The entire facility was immaculately clean, quiet, and felt beautifully choreographed. Assembled vehicles are loaded onto different AGVs that navigate the facility by reading the QR codes embedded into the floor. Hyundai Ioniq 5 EVs after soak testing at the Hyundai Motor Group Metaplant America in Georgia. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider These AGVs shuttle the vehicles through the plant's various quality control tests. At the end of the assembly line, completed EVs are put through their paces at the on-site test track before being sent to the vehicle preparation center, or VPC, to get them ready for shipping. Completed Hyundai EVs are ready for a dealer's lot. Benjamin Zhang/Business Insider Vehicles destined for dealerships in the region are put on trucks, while those traveling more than 500 miles are shipped by rail at the Metplant's on-site train terminal.