• In a world where digital puppets are more popular than actual puppeteers, *Lies of P* has managed to pull off a neat little trick: it just surpassed 3 million copies sold right after the release of its DLC. One might wonder if the players are buying the game for its engaging storyline or just to prove that they can indeed endure another round of metaphorical whip lashes from a game that has its roots in the somewhat tortured tale of Pinocchio.

    Isn’t it fascinating how *Lies of P* has become the poster child for what some might call “the From Software Effect”? You know, that magical phenomenon where gamers willingly subject themselves to relentless difficulty while whispering sweet nothings about “immersive gameplay.” Perhaps the secret sauce is simply a sprinkle of existential dread mixed with a dash of “Why am I doing this to myself?”

    Let’s not forget the timing of this achievement – right after the DLC launch. Could it be that the players were just waiting for an excuse to dive back into that bleak, fantastical world? Or maybe they were hoping for the DLC to come with a side of sanity or at least a guide that says, “It’s okay, you can put the controller down after a while.” But no, why would anyone want a game that respects their time?

    Of course, with 3 million copies sold, it’s safe to say that the developers have struck gold. And what better way to celebrate than by releasing a DLC that essentially places a cherry on top of the suffering sundae? Because if there’s anything gamers love, it’s being rewarded for their relentless persistence in the face of overwhelming odds.

    And let’s take a moment to appreciate the irony here. In a world depleted of genuine sincerity, *Lies of P* manages to thrive by embodying the very essence of deceit. Is it a game about lying? Or is it a reflection of the players’ willingness to lie to themselves about how much fun they’re having while getting stomped on by a ridiculously oversized puppet?

    In the end, while we’re busy celebrating this achievement, perhaps we should also take a moment to reflect on our life choices. Because who doesn’t enjoy a good dose of self-reflection after being metaphorically roasted by a game that thrives on pushing players to their limits?

    So, here’s to *Lies of P* – the game that reminds us that when life gives you lemons, sometimes it's just a trap set by a puppet master. Cheers to the 3 million players who have chosen to embrace the lie!

    #LiesOfP #GamingNews #DLC #FromSoftware #GamingCommunity
    In a world where digital puppets are more popular than actual puppeteers, *Lies of P* has managed to pull off a neat little trick: it just surpassed 3 million copies sold right after the release of its DLC. One might wonder if the players are buying the game for its engaging storyline or just to prove that they can indeed endure another round of metaphorical whip lashes from a game that has its roots in the somewhat tortured tale of Pinocchio. Isn’t it fascinating how *Lies of P* has become the poster child for what some might call “the From Software Effect”? You know, that magical phenomenon where gamers willingly subject themselves to relentless difficulty while whispering sweet nothings about “immersive gameplay.” Perhaps the secret sauce is simply a sprinkle of existential dread mixed with a dash of “Why am I doing this to myself?” Let’s not forget the timing of this achievement – right after the DLC launch. Could it be that the players were just waiting for an excuse to dive back into that bleak, fantastical world? Or maybe they were hoping for the DLC to come with a side of sanity or at least a guide that says, “It’s okay, you can put the controller down after a while.” But no, why would anyone want a game that respects their time? Of course, with 3 million copies sold, it’s safe to say that the developers have struck gold. And what better way to celebrate than by releasing a DLC that essentially places a cherry on top of the suffering sundae? Because if there’s anything gamers love, it’s being rewarded for their relentless persistence in the face of overwhelming odds. And let’s take a moment to appreciate the irony here. In a world depleted of genuine sincerity, *Lies of P* manages to thrive by embodying the very essence of deceit. Is it a game about lying? Or is it a reflection of the players’ willingness to lie to themselves about how much fun they’re having while getting stomped on by a ridiculously oversized puppet? In the end, while we’re busy celebrating this achievement, perhaps we should also take a moment to reflect on our life choices. Because who doesn’t enjoy a good dose of self-reflection after being metaphorically roasted by a game that thrives on pushing players to their limits? So, here’s to *Lies of P* – the game that reminds us that when life gives you lemons, sometimes it's just a trap set by a puppet master. Cheers to the 3 million players who have chosen to embrace the lie! #LiesOfP #GamingNews #DLC #FromSoftware #GamingCommunity
    Juste après la sortie de son DLC, Lies of P dépasse les 3 millions d’exemplaires
    ActuGaming.net Juste après la sortie de son DLC, Lies of P dépasse les 3 millions d’exemplaires Sans doute l’une des meilleures alternatives aux jeux de From Software, Lies of P a […] L'article Juste après la sortie de son DLC, Lie
    Like
    Love
    Wow
    Angry
    Sad
    162
    1 Comments 0 Shares
  • The Best Hidden-Gem Etsy Shops for Fans of Farmhouse Style

    Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingCountry Living editors select each product featured. If you buy from a link, we may earn a commission. Why Trust Us?Like a well-made quilt, a classic farmhouse aesthetic comes together gradually—a little bit of this, a touch of that. Each addition is purposeful and personal—and isn’t that what home is all about, really? If this type of slowed-down style speaks to you, you're probably already well aware that Etsy is a treasure trove of finds both new and old to fit your timeless farmhouse aesthetic. But with more than eight million active sellers on its marketplace, sometimes the possibilities—vintage feed sacks! primitive pie safes! galvanized grain scoops!—can quickly go from enticing to overwhelming.To better guide your search for the finest farmhouse furnishings, we’ve gathered a go-to list of editor-and designer-beloved Etsy shops which, time and again, turn out hardworking, homespun pieces of heirloom quality. From beautiful antique bureaus to hand-block-printed table linens, the character-rich wares from these sellers will help you design the farmhouse of your dreams, piece by precious piece. Related Stories For Antique AmericanaAcorn and Alice Every good old-fashioned farmhouse could use some traditional Americana to set the tone, and this Pennsylvania salvage shop offers rustic touches loaded with authentic antique allure. Aged wooden wares abound, as well as a grab bag of cotton and burlap feed sacks, perfect for framing as sets or crafting into footstool covers or throw pillows. For French Country TextilesForest and LinenThere’s nothing quite like breezy natural fabrics to make you want to throw open all the windows and let that country air in while the pie cools. Unfussy and lightweight, the hand-crafted curtains, bedding, and table linens from these Lithuanian textile experts have a classic understated quality that would be right at home in the coziest guest room or most bustling kitchen. Warm, welcoming hues range from marigold yellow to cornflower blue, but soft gingham checkers and timeless French ticking feel especially farm-fresh. Our current favorite? These cherry-striped country cafe curtains. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingVintage red torchons feel right at home in a farmhouse kitchenFor Rustic RugsOld New HouseWhether or not you’re lucky enough to have gorgeous wide-plank floors, an antique area rug or runner can work wonders for giving a room instant character and warmth. This fifth-generation family-run retailer specializes in importing heirloom hand-knotted carpets dating back to the 1800s, with a focus on traditional designs from the masters in Turkey, India, Persia, and more. Their vast variety of sizes and styles offers something for every aesthetic, with one-of-a-kind patterns ranging from distressed neutrals to chain-stitched florals to ornate arabesques. For Pillows and ProvisionsHabitation BohemeIn true farmhouse fashion, this Indiana shop has curated an enticing blend of handcrafted and vintage homewares that work effortlessly well together. A line of cozy hand-stitched linen pillow coverssits prettily alongside a mix of found objects, from patinated brass candlesticks and etched cloisonné vases to sturdy stoneware crockery and woven wicker baskets. For Elegant Everyday DishwareConvivial ProductionSimple, yet undeniably stunning, the handcrafted dinnerware from this Missouri-based ceramist is designed with durability in mind. Produced in a single, time-tested shade of ivory white glaze, these practical stoneware cups, bowls, and plates make the perfect place settings for lively farm-to-table feasts with friends and family. Beautifully balancing softness and heft, each dish is meant to feel comfortable when being held and passed, but also to look attractive when stacked upon open shelving. For English Country Antiques1100 West Co.This Illinois antiques shop is stocked with all manner of versatile vintage vessels culled from the English countryside, from massive stoneware crocks to charming little escargot pots. Their collection of neutral containers can be adapted for nearly any provincial purpose, but we especially love their assortment of old advertising—from toothpaste pots to marmalade jars and ginger beer bottles galore—for a nice little nod to the quintessential country practice of repurposing what you’ve got. Brian Woodcock/Country LivingPretty English ironstone will always have our heart.For a Cozy GlowOlde Brick LightingConstructed by hand from cord to shade, the vintage-inspired lighting produced by this Pennsylvania retailer is a tribute to the iconic quality and character of old American fixtures. Nostalgic design elements include hand-blown glassand finishes ranging from matte black to brushed nickel and antique brass. To create an authentic farmhouse ambiance, check out their gooseneck sconces, enameled red and blue barn lights, and milky white striped schoolhouse flush mounts. For Enduring ArtifactsThrough the PortholeThe weathered, artisan-made wares curated by this California husband-and-wife duo have been hand-selected from around the globe for their time-etched character. From gorgeous gray-black terracotta vases and rust-colored Turkish clay pots to patinated brass cow bells and rustic reclaimed elm stools, each item is a testament to the lasting beauty of classic materials, with storied sun-bleaching and scratches befitting the most beloved, lived-in rooms. For Winsome Wall ArtEugenia Ciotola ArtThrough graceful brushstrokes and textural swirls of paint, Maryland-based artist Eugenia Ciotola has captured the natural joy of a life that’s simple and sweet. Her pieces celebrate quiet scenes of bucolic beauty, from billowing bouquets of peonies to stoic red barns sitting in fields of wavy green. For a parlor gallery or gathering space, we gravitate toward her original oils on canvas—an impasto still life, perhaps, or a plainly frocked maiden carrying a bountiful bowl of lemons—while her stately farm animal portraitswould look lovely in a child’s nursery.For Time-Tested Storage SolutionsMaterials DivisionFunction is forefront for this farmhouse supplier operating out of New York, whose specialized selection of vintage provisions have lived out dutiful lives of purpose. Standouts include a curated offering of trusty antique tool boxes and sturdy steel-clad trunks whose rugged patina tells the story of many-a household project. Meanwhile, a hardworking mix of industrial wire and woven wood gathering baskets sits handsomely alongside heavy-duty galvanized garbage bins and antique fireplace andirons.For Pastoral PrimitivesComfort Work RoomFull of history and heritage, the old, hand-fabricated furnishings and primitive wooden tools in this unique Ukrainian antique shop are rural remnants of simpler times gone by. Quaint kitchen staples like chippy chiseled spoons, scoops, and cutting boards make an accessible entry point for the casual collector, while scuffed up dough troughs, butter churns, washboards, and barrels are highly desirable conversation pieces for any antique enthusiast who’s dedicated to authentic detail. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingAntique washboards make for on-theme wall art in a laundry roomFor Heirloom-Quality CoverletsBluegrass QuiltsNo layered farmhouse look would be complete without the homey, tactile touch of a hand-pieced quilt or two draped intentionally about the room. From harvest-hued sawtooth stars to playful patchwork pinwheels, each exquisite blanket from this Kentucky-based artisan is slow-crafted in traditional fashion from 100% cotton materials, and can even be custom stitched from scratch to match your personal color palette and decorative purpose. For a classic country aesthetic, try a log cabin, double diamond, or star patch pattern. For Hand-Crafted GiftsSelselaFeaturing a busy barnyard’s worth of plucky chickens, cuddly sheep, and happy little Holstein cows, this Illinois woodworker’s whimsical line of farm figurines and other giftable goodiesis chock-full of hand-carved charm. Crafted from 100% recycled birch and painted in loving detail, each creature has a deliberately rough-hewn look and feel worthy of any cozy and collected home. For Open-Concept CabinetryFolkhausA hallmark of many modern farmhouses, open-concept shelving has become a stylish way to show that the practical wares you use everyday are the same ones you’re proud to put on display. With their signature line of bracketed wall shelves, Shaker-style peg shelves, and raw steel kitchen rails, the team at Folkhaus has created a range of open storage solutions that beautifully balances elevated design and rustic utility. Rounding out their collection is a selection of open-shelved accent pieces like bookcases, benches, and console tables—each crafted from character-rich kiln-dried timber and finished in your choice of stain.Related StoryFor Antique Farmhouse FurnitureCottage Treasures LVThe foundation of a well-furnished farmhouse often begins with a single prized piece. Whether it’s a slant-front desk, a primitive jelly cabinet, or a punched-tin pie safe, this established New York-based dealer has a knack for sourcing vintage treasures with the personality and presence to anchor an entire space. Distressed cupboards and cabinets may be their bread and butterbut you’ll also find a robust roundup of weathered farm tables, Windsor chairs, and blanket chests—and currently, even a rare 1500s English bench. For Lively Table LinensMoontea StudioAs any devotee of slow decorating knows, sometimes it’s the little details that really bring a look home. For a spot of cheer along with your afternoon tea, we love the hand-stamped table linens from this Washington-based printmaker, which put a peppy, modern spin on farm-fresh produce. Patterned with lush illustrations of bright red tomatoes, crisp green apples, and golden sunflowers—then neatly finished with a color-coordinated hand-stitched trim—each tea towel, placemat, and napkin pays homage to the hours we spend doting over our gardens. For Traditional TransferwarePrior TimeThere’s lots to love about this Massachusetts antiques shop, which admittedly skews slightly cottagecorebut the standout, for us, is the seller’s superior selection of dinner and serving ware. In addition to a lovely lot of mottled white ironstone platters and pitchers, you’ll find a curated mix of Ridgeway and Wedgwood transferware dishes in not only classic cobalt blue, but beautiful browns, greens, and purples, too.Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingPretty brown transferware could be yours with one quick "add to cart."For Folk Art for Your FloorsKinFolk ArtworkDesigned by a West Virginia watercolor and oils artist with a penchant for painting the past, these silky chenille floor mats feature an original cast of colonial characters and folksy scenes modeled after heirloom textiles from the 18th and 19th centuries. Expect lots of early American and patriotic motifs, including old-fashioned flags, Pennsylvania Dutch fraktur, equestrian vignettes, and colonial house samplers—each made to mimic a vintage hooked rug for that cozy, homespun feeling.For Historical ReproductionsSchooner Bay Co.Even in the most painstakingly appointed interior, buying antique originals isn’t always an option. And that’s where this trusted Pennsylvania-based retailer for historical reproductions comes in. Offering a colossal collection of framed art prints, decorative trays, and brass objects, these connoisseurs of the classics have decor for every old-timey aesthetic, whether it’s fox hunt prints for your cabin, Dutch landscapes for your cottage, or primitive animal portraits for your farmstead.For General Store StaplesFarmhouse EclecticsHand-plucked from New England antique shops, estate sales, and auctions, the salvaged sundries from this Massachusetts-based supplierare the type you might spy in an old country store—wooden crates emblazoned with the names of local dairies, antique apple baskets, seed displays, signs, and scales. Whether you’re setting up your farmstand or styling your entryway, you’ll have plenty of storage options and authentic accents to pick from here. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingSo many food scales, so little time.Related StoriesJackie BuddieJackie Buddie is a freelance writer with more than a decade of editorial experience covering lifestyle topics including home decor how-tos, fashion trend deep dives, seasonal gift guides, and in-depth profiles of artists and creatives around the globe. She holds a degree in journalism from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and received her M.F.A. in creative writing from Boston University. Jackie is, among other things, a collector of curiosities, Catskills land caretaker, dabbling DIYer, day hiker, and mom. She lives in the hills of Bovina, New York, with her family and her sweet-as-pie rescue dog.
    #best #hiddengem #etsy #shops #fans
    The Best Hidden-Gem Etsy Shops for Fans of Farmhouse Style
    Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingCountry Living editors select each product featured. If you buy from a link, we may earn a commission. Why Trust Us?Like a well-made quilt, a classic farmhouse aesthetic comes together gradually—a little bit of this, a touch of that. Each addition is purposeful and personal—and isn’t that what home is all about, really? If this type of slowed-down style speaks to you, you're probably already well aware that Etsy is a treasure trove of finds both new and old to fit your timeless farmhouse aesthetic. But with more than eight million active sellers on its marketplace, sometimes the possibilities—vintage feed sacks! primitive pie safes! galvanized grain scoops!—can quickly go from enticing to overwhelming.To better guide your search for the finest farmhouse furnishings, we’ve gathered a go-to list of editor-and designer-beloved Etsy shops which, time and again, turn out hardworking, homespun pieces of heirloom quality. From beautiful antique bureaus to hand-block-printed table linens, the character-rich wares from these sellers will help you design the farmhouse of your dreams, piece by precious piece. Related Stories For Antique AmericanaAcorn and Alice Every good old-fashioned farmhouse could use some traditional Americana to set the tone, and this Pennsylvania salvage shop offers rustic touches loaded with authentic antique allure. Aged wooden wares abound, as well as a grab bag of cotton and burlap feed sacks, perfect for framing as sets or crafting into footstool covers or throw pillows. For French Country TextilesForest and LinenThere’s nothing quite like breezy natural fabrics to make you want to throw open all the windows and let that country air in while the pie cools. Unfussy and lightweight, the hand-crafted curtains, bedding, and table linens from these Lithuanian textile experts have a classic understated quality that would be right at home in the coziest guest room or most bustling kitchen. Warm, welcoming hues range from marigold yellow to cornflower blue, but soft gingham checkers and timeless French ticking feel especially farm-fresh. Our current favorite? These cherry-striped country cafe curtains. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingVintage red torchons feel right at home in a farmhouse kitchenFor Rustic RugsOld New HouseWhether or not you’re lucky enough to have gorgeous wide-plank floors, an antique area rug or runner can work wonders for giving a room instant character and warmth. This fifth-generation family-run retailer specializes in importing heirloom hand-knotted carpets dating back to the 1800s, with a focus on traditional designs from the masters in Turkey, India, Persia, and more. Their vast variety of sizes and styles offers something for every aesthetic, with one-of-a-kind patterns ranging from distressed neutrals to chain-stitched florals to ornate arabesques. For Pillows and ProvisionsHabitation BohemeIn true farmhouse fashion, this Indiana shop has curated an enticing blend of handcrafted and vintage homewares that work effortlessly well together. A line of cozy hand-stitched linen pillow coverssits prettily alongside a mix of found objects, from patinated brass candlesticks and etched cloisonné vases to sturdy stoneware crockery and woven wicker baskets. For Elegant Everyday DishwareConvivial ProductionSimple, yet undeniably stunning, the handcrafted dinnerware from this Missouri-based ceramist is designed with durability in mind. Produced in a single, time-tested shade of ivory white glaze, these practical stoneware cups, bowls, and plates make the perfect place settings for lively farm-to-table feasts with friends and family. Beautifully balancing softness and heft, each dish is meant to feel comfortable when being held and passed, but also to look attractive when stacked upon open shelving. For English Country Antiques1100 West Co.This Illinois antiques shop is stocked with all manner of versatile vintage vessels culled from the English countryside, from massive stoneware crocks to charming little escargot pots. Their collection of neutral containers can be adapted for nearly any provincial purpose, but we especially love their assortment of old advertising—from toothpaste pots to marmalade jars and ginger beer bottles galore—for a nice little nod to the quintessential country practice of repurposing what you’ve got. Brian Woodcock/Country LivingPretty English ironstone will always have our heart.For a Cozy GlowOlde Brick LightingConstructed by hand from cord to shade, the vintage-inspired lighting produced by this Pennsylvania retailer is a tribute to the iconic quality and character of old American fixtures. Nostalgic design elements include hand-blown glassand finishes ranging from matte black to brushed nickel and antique brass. To create an authentic farmhouse ambiance, check out their gooseneck sconces, enameled red and blue barn lights, and milky white striped schoolhouse flush mounts. For Enduring ArtifactsThrough the PortholeThe weathered, artisan-made wares curated by this California husband-and-wife duo have been hand-selected from around the globe for their time-etched character. From gorgeous gray-black terracotta vases and rust-colored Turkish clay pots to patinated brass cow bells and rustic reclaimed elm stools, each item is a testament to the lasting beauty of classic materials, with storied sun-bleaching and scratches befitting the most beloved, lived-in rooms. For Winsome Wall ArtEugenia Ciotola ArtThrough graceful brushstrokes and textural swirls of paint, Maryland-based artist Eugenia Ciotola has captured the natural joy of a life that’s simple and sweet. Her pieces celebrate quiet scenes of bucolic beauty, from billowing bouquets of peonies to stoic red barns sitting in fields of wavy green. For a parlor gallery or gathering space, we gravitate toward her original oils on canvas—an impasto still life, perhaps, or a plainly frocked maiden carrying a bountiful bowl of lemons—while her stately farm animal portraitswould look lovely in a child’s nursery.For Time-Tested Storage SolutionsMaterials DivisionFunction is forefront for this farmhouse supplier operating out of New York, whose specialized selection of vintage provisions have lived out dutiful lives of purpose. Standouts include a curated offering of trusty antique tool boxes and sturdy steel-clad trunks whose rugged patina tells the story of many-a household project. Meanwhile, a hardworking mix of industrial wire and woven wood gathering baskets sits handsomely alongside heavy-duty galvanized garbage bins and antique fireplace andirons.For Pastoral PrimitivesComfort Work RoomFull of history and heritage, the old, hand-fabricated furnishings and primitive wooden tools in this unique Ukrainian antique shop are rural remnants of simpler times gone by. Quaint kitchen staples like chippy chiseled spoons, scoops, and cutting boards make an accessible entry point for the casual collector, while scuffed up dough troughs, butter churns, washboards, and barrels are highly desirable conversation pieces for any antique enthusiast who’s dedicated to authentic detail. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingAntique washboards make for on-theme wall art in a laundry roomFor Heirloom-Quality CoverletsBluegrass QuiltsNo layered farmhouse look would be complete without the homey, tactile touch of a hand-pieced quilt or two draped intentionally about the room. From harvest-hued sawtooth stars to playful patchwork pinwheels, each exquisite blanket from this Kentucky-based artisan is slow-crafted in traditional fashion from 100% cotton materials, and can even be custom stitched from scratch to match your personal color palette and decorative purpose. For a classic country aesthetic, try a log cabin, double diamond, or star patch pattern. For Hand-Crafted GiftsSelselaFeaturing a busy barnyard’s worth of plucky chickens, cuddly sheep, and happy little Holstein cows, this Illinois woodworker’s whimsical line of farm figurines and other giftable goodiesis chock-full of hand-carved charm. Crafted from 100% recycled birch and painted in loving detail, each creature has a deliberately rough-hewn look and feel worthy of any cozy and collected home. For Open-Concept CabinetryFolkhausA hallmark of many modern farmhouses, open-concept shelving has become a stylish way to show that the practical wares you use everyday are the same ones you’re proud to put on display. With their signature line of bracketed wall shelves, Shaker-style peg shelves, and raw steel kitchen rails, the team at Folkhaus has created a range of open storage solutions that beautifully balances elevated design and rustic utility. Rounding out their collection is a selection of open-shelved accent pieces like bookcases, benches, and console tables—each crafted from character-rich kiln-dried timber and finished in your choice of stain.Related StoryFor Antique Farmhouse FurnitureCottage Treasures LVThe foundation of a well-furnished farmhouse often begins with a single prized piece. Whether it’s a slant-front desk, a primitive jelly cabinet, or a punched-tin pie safe, this established New York-based dealer has a knack for sourcing vintage treasures with the personality and presence to anchor an entire space. Distressed cupboards and cabinets may be their bread and butterbut you’ll also find a robust roundup of weathered farm tables, Windsor chairs, and blanket chests—and currently, even a rare 1500s English bench. For Lively Table LinensMoontea StudioAs any devotee of slow decorating knows, sometimes it’s the little details that really bring a look home. For a spot of cheer along with your afternoon tea, we love the hand-stamped table linens from this Washington-based printmaker, which put a peppy, modern spin on farm-fresh produce. Patterned with lush illustrations of bright red tomatoes, crisp green apples, and golden sunflowers—then neatly finished with a color-coordinated hand-stitched trim—each tea towel, placemat, and napkin pays homage to the hours we spend doting over our gardens. For Traditional TransferwarePrior TimeThere’s lots to love about this Massachusetts antiques shop, which admittedly skews slightly cottagecorebut the standout, for us, is the seller’s superior selection of dinner and serving ware. In addition to a lovely lot of mottled white ironstone platters and pitchers, you’ll find a curated mix of Ridgeway and Wedgwood transferware dishes in not only classic cobalt blue, but beautiful browns, greens, and purples, too.Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingPretty brown transferware could be yours with one quick "add to cart."For Folk Art for Your FloorsKinFolk ArtworkDesigned by a West Virginia watercolor and oils artist with a penchant for painting the past, these silky chenille floor mats feature an original cast of colonial characters and folksy scenes modeled after heirloom textiles from the 18th and 19th centuries. Expect lots of early American and patriotic motifs, including old-fashioned flags, Pennsylvania Dutch fraktur, equestrian vignettes, and colonial house samplers—each made to mimic a vintage hooked rug for that cozy, homespun feeling.For Historical ReproductionsSchooner Bay Co.Even in the most painstakingly appointed interior, buying antique originals isn’t always an option. And that’s where this trusted Pennsylvania-based retailer for historical reproductions comes in. Offering a colossal collection of framed art prints, decorative trays, and brass objects, these connoisseurs of the classics have decor for every old-timey aesthetic, whether it’s fox hunt prints for your cabin, Dutch landscapes for your cottage, or primitive animal portraits for your farmstead.For General Store StaplesFarmhouse EclecticsHand-plucked from New England antique shops, estate sales, and auctions, the salvaged sundries from this Massachusetts-based supplierare the type you might spy in an old country store—wooden crates emblazoned with the names of local dairies, antique apple baskets, seed displays, signs, and scales. Whether you’re setting up your farmstand or styling your entryway, you’ll have plenty of storage options and authentic accents to pick from here. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingSo many food scales, so little time.Related StoriesJackie BuddieJackie Buddie is a freelance writer with more than a decade of editorial experience covering lifestyle topics including home decor how-tos, fashion trend deep dives, seasonal gift guides, and in-depth profiles of artists and creatives around the globe. She holds a degree in journalism from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and received her M.F.A. in creative writing from Boston University. Jackie is, among other things, a collector of curiosities, Catskills land caretaker, dabbling DIYer, day hiker, and mom. She lives in the hills of Bovina, New York, with her family and her sweet-as-pie rescue dog. #best #hiddengem #etsy #shops #fans
    WWW.COUNTRYLIVING.COM
    The Best Hidden-Gem Etsy Shops for Fans of Farmhouse Style
    Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingCountry Living editors select each product featured. If you buy from a link, we may earn a commission. Why Trust Us?Like a well-made quilt, a classic farmhouse aesthetic comes together gradually—a little bit of this, a touch of that. Each addition is purposeful and personal—and isn’t that what home is all about, really? If this type of slowed-down style speaks to you, you're probably already well aware that Etsy is a treasure trove of finds both new and old to fit your timeless farmhouse aesthetic. But with more than eight million active sellers on its marketplace, sometimes the possibilities—vintage feed sacks! primitive pie safes! galvanized grain scoops!—can quickly go from enticing to overwhelming.To better guide your search for the finest farmhouse furnishings, we’ve gathered a go-to list of editor-and designer-beloved Etsy shops which, time and again, turn out hardworking, homespun pieces of heirloom quality. From beautiful antique bureaus to hand-block-printed table linens, the character-rich wares from these sellers will help you design the farmhouse of your dreams, piece by precious piece. Related Stories For Antique AmericanaAcorn and Alice Every good old-fashioned farmhouse could use some traditional Americana to set the tone, and this Pennsylvania salvage shop offers rustic touches loaded with authentic antique allure. Aged wooden wares abound (think vintage milk crates, orchard fruit baskets, and berry boxes), as well as a grab bag of cotton and burlap feed sacks, perfect for framing as sets or crafting into footstool covers or throw pillows. For French Country TextilesForest and LinenThere’s nothing quite like breezy natural fabrics to make you want to throw open all the windows and let that country air in while the pie cools. Unfussy and lightweight, the hand-crafted curtains, bedding, and table linens from these Lithuanian textile experts have a classic understated quality that would be right at home in the coziest guest room or most bustling kitchen. Warm, welcoming hues range from marigold yellow to cornflower blue, but soft gingham checkers and timeless French ticking feel especially farm-fresh. Our current favorite? These cherry-striped country cafe curtains. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingVintage red torchons feel right at home in a farmhouse kitchenFor Rustic RugsOld New HouseWhether or not you’re lucky enough to have gorgeous wide-plank floors, an antique area rug or runner can work wonders for giving a room instant character and warmth. This fifth-generation family-run retailer specializes in importing heirloom hand-knotted carpets dating back to the 1800s, with a focus on traditional designs from the masters in Turkey, India, Persia, and more. Their vast variety of sizes and styles offers something for every aesthetic, with one-of-a-kind patterns ranging from distressed neutrals to chain-stitched florals to ornate arabesques. For Pillows and ProvisionsHabitation BohemeIn true farmhouse fashion, this Indiana shop has curated an enticing blend of handcrafted and vintage homewares that work effortlessly well together. A line of cozy hand-stitched linen pillow covers (patterned with everything from block-printed blossoms to provincial pinstripes) sits prettily alongside a mix of found objects, from patinated brass candlesticks and etched cloisonné vases to sturdy stoneware crockery and woven wicker baskets. For Elegant Everyday DishwareConvivial ProductionSimple, yet undeniably stunning, the handcrafted dinnerware from this Missouri-based ceramist is designed with durability in mind. Produced in a single, time-tested shade of ivory white glaze, these practical stoneware cups, bowls, and plates make the perfect place settings for lively farm-to-table feasts with friends and family. Beautifully balancing softness and heft, each dish is meant to feel comfortable when being held and passed, but also to look attractive when stacked upon open shelving. For English Country Antiques1100 West Co.This Illinois antiques shop is stocked with all manner of versatile vintage vessels culled from the English countryside, from massive stoneware crocks to charming little escargot pots. Their collection of neutral containers can be adapted for nearly any provincial purpose (envision white ironstone pitchers piled high with fresh-picked hyacinths, or glass canning jars holding your harvest grains), but we especially love their assortment of old advertising—from toothpaste pots to marmalade jars and ginger beer bottles galore—for a nice little nod to the quintessential country practice of repurposing what you’ve got. Brian Woodcock/Country LivingPretty English ironstone will always have our heart.For a Cozy GlowOlde Brick LightingConstructed by hand from cord to shade, the vintage-inspired lighting produced by this Pennsylvania retailer is a tribute to the iconic quality and character of old American fixtures. Nostalgic design elements include hand-blown glass (crafted using cast-iron molds from over 80 years ago) and finishes ranging from matte black to brushed nickel and antique brass. To create an authentic farmhouse ambiance, check out their gooseneck sconces, enameled red and blue barn lights, and milky white striped schoolhouse flush mounts. For Enduring ArtifactsThrough the PortholeThe weathered, artisan-made wares curated by this California husband-and-wife duo have been hand-selected from around the globe for their time-etched character. From gorgeous gray-black terracotta vases and rust-colored Turkish clay pots to patinated brass cow bells and rustic reclaimed elm stools, each item is a testament to the lasting beauty of classic materials, with storied sun-bleaching and scratches befitting the most beloved, lived-in rooms. For Winsome Wall ArtEugenia Ciotola ArtThrough graceful brushstrokes and textural swirls of paint, Maryland-based artist Eugenia Ciotola has captured the natural joy of a life that’s simple and sweet. Her pieces celebrate quiet scenes of bucolic beauty, from billowing bouquets of peonies to stoic red barns sitting in fields of wavy green. For a parlor gallery or gathering space, we gravitate toward her original oils on canvas—an impasto still life, perhaps, or a plainly frocked maiden carrying a bountiful bowl of lemons—while her stately farm animal portraits (regal roosters! ruff collared geese!) would look lovely in a child’s nursery.For Time-Tested Storage SolutionsMaterials DivisionFunction is forefront for this farmhouse supplier operating out of New York, whose specialized selection of vintage provisions have lived out dutiful lives of purpose. Standouts include a curated offering of trusty antique tool boxes and sturdy steel-clad trunks whose rugged patina tells the story of many-a household project. Meanwhile, a hardworking mix of industrial wire and woven wood gathering baskets sits handsomely alongside heavy-duty galvanized garbage bins and antique fireplace andirons.For Pastoral PrimitivesComfort Work RoomFull of history and heritage, the old, hand-fabricated furnishings and primitive wooden tools in this unique Ukrainian antique shop are rural remnants of simpler times gone by. Quaint kitchen staples like chippy chiseled spoons, scoops, and cutting boards make an accessible entry point for the casual collector, while scuffed up dough troughs, butter churns, washboards, and barrels are highly desirable conversation pieces for any antique enthusiast who’s dedicated to authentic detail. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingAntique washboards make for on-theme wall art in a laundry roomFor Heirloom-Quality CoverletsBluegrass QuiltsNo layered farmhouse look would be complete without the homey, tactile touch of a hand-pieced quilt or two draped intentionally about the room. From harvest-hued sawtooth stars to playful patchwork pinwheels, each exquisite blanket from this Kentucky-based artisan is slow-crafted in traditional fashion from 100% cotton materials, and can even be custom stitched from scratch to match your personal color palette and decorative purpose. For a classic country aesthetic, try a log cabin, double diamond, or star patch pattern. For Hand-Crafted GiftsSelselaFeaturing a busy barnyard’s worth of plucky chickens, cuddly sheep, and happy little Holstein cows, this Illinois woodworker’s whimsical line of farm figurines and other giftable goodies (think animal wine stoppers, keychains, fridge magnets, and cake toppers) is chock-full of hand-carved charm. Crafted from 100% recycled birch and painted in loving detail, each creature has a deliberately rough-hewn look and feel worthy of any cozy and collected home. For Open-Concept CabinetryFolkhausA hallmark of many modern farmhouses, open-concept shelving has become a stylish way to show that the practical wares you use everyday are the same ones you’re proud to put on display. With their signature line of bracketed wall shelves, Shaker-style peg shelves, and raw steel kitchen rails, the team at Folkhaus has created a range of open storage solutions that beautifully balances elevated design and rustic utility. Rounding out their collection is a selection of open-shelved accent pieces like bookcases, benches, and console tables—each crafted from character-rich kiln-dried timber and finished in your choice of stain.Related StoryFor Antique Farmhouse FurnitureCottage Treasures LVThe foundation of a well-furnished farmhouse often begins with a single prized piece. Whether it’s a slant-front desk, a primitive jelly cabinet, or a punched-tin pie safe, this established New York-based dealer has a knack for sourcing vintage treasures with the personality and presence to anchor an entire space. Distressed cupboards and cabinets may be their bread and butter (just look at this two-piece pine hutch!) but you’ll also find a robust roundup of weathered farm tables, Windsor chairs, and blanket chests—and currently, even a rare 1500s English bench. For Lively Table LinensMoontea StudioAs any devotee of slow decorating knows, sometimes it’s the little details that really bring a look home. For a spot of cheer along with your afternoon tea, we love the hand-stamped table linens from this Washington-based printmaker, which put a peppy, modern spin on farm-fresh produce. Patterned with lush illustrations of bright red tomatoes, crisp green apples, and golden sunflowers—then neatly finished with a color-coordinated hand-stitched trim—each tea towel, placemat, and napkin pays homage to the hours we spend doting over our gardens. For Traditional TransferwarePrior TimeThere’s lots to love about this Massachusetts antiques shop, which admittedly skews slightly cottagecore (the pink Baccarat perfume bottles! the hobnail milk glass vases! the huge primitive bread boards!) but the standout, for us, is the seller’s superior selection of dinner and serving ware. In addition to a lovely lot of mottled white ironstone platters and pitchers, you’ll find a curated mix of Ridgeway and Wedgwood transferware dishes in not only classic cobalt blue, but beautiful browns, greens, and purples, too.Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingPretty brown transferware could be yours with one quick "add to cart."For Folk Art for Your FloorsKinFolk ArtworkDesigned by a West Virginia watercolor and oils artist with a penchant for painting the past, these silky chenille floor mats feature an original cast of colonial characters and folksy scenes modeled after heirloom textiles from the 18th and 19th centuries. Expect lots of early American and patriotic motifs, including old-fashioned flags, Pennsylvania Dutch fraktur, equestrian vignettes, and colonial house samplers—each made to mimic a vintage hooked rug for that cozy, homespun feeling. (We have to admit, the folk art-inspired cow and chicken is our favorite.)For Historical ReproductionsSchooner Bay Co.Even in the most painstakingly appointed interior, buying antique originals isn’t always an option (don’t ask how many times we’ve been outbid at an estate auction). And that’s where this trusted Pennsylvania-based retailer for historical reproductions comes in. Offering a colossal collection of framed art prints, decorative trays, and brass objects (think magnifying glasses, compasses, paperweights, and letter openers), these connoisseurs of the classics have decor for every old-timey aesthetic, whether it’s fox hunt prints for your cabin, Dutch landscapes for your cottage, or primitive animal portraits for your farmstead.For General Store StaplesFarmhouse EclecticsHand-plucked from New England antique shops, estate sales, and auctions, the salvaged sundries from this Massachusetts-based supplier (who grew up in an 1850s farmhouse himself) are the type you might spy in an old country store—wooden crates emblazoned with the names of local dairies, antique apple baskets, seed displays, signs, and scales. Whether you’re setting up your farmstand or styling your entryway, you’ll have plenty of storage options and authentic accents to pick from here. Becky Luigart-Stayner for Country LivingSo many food scales, so little time.Related StoriesJackie BuddieJackie Buddie is a freelance writer with more than a decade of editorial experience covering lifestyle topics including home decor how-tos, fashion trend deep dives, seasonal gift guides, and in-depth profiles of artists and creatives around the globe. She holds a degree in journalism from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and received her M.F.A. in creative writing from Boston University. Jackie is, among other things, a collector of curiosities, Catskills land caretaker, dabbling DIYer, day hiker, and mom. She lives in the hills of Bovina, New York, with her family and her sweet-as-pie rescue dog.
    Like
    Love
    Wow
    Sad
    Angry
    603
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • Photos show the tanks, planes, and soldiers featured in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade held on Trump's birthday

    President Donald Trump has long expressed interest in holding a military parade. He finally got one for his birthday.The US Army celebrated its 250th anniversary on Saturday in Washington, DC, with a parade featuring 6,600 troops, 150 vehicles, and over 50 aircraft.June 14 also marked Trump's 79th birthday.Trump attended the event accompanied by first lady Melania Trump and other family members. The president stood to salute troops as they passed his viewing box.In May, a US Army spokesperson told CNBC that the event could cost between million and million in total.

    Prior to the parade, the National Mall was lined with displays of tanks, planes, cannons, and other weaponry to educate onlookers about the US Army's history and modern capabilities.

    A tank is on display on the National Mall ahead of the Army's 250th anniversary parade.

    Amid Farahi/AFP via Getty Images

    The US Army also held a fitness competition where service members competed against one another in various drills.

    A member of the military climbed a rope during a fitness competition at the US Army's 250th Anniversary festival in Washington, DC.

    Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images

    Anti-Trump "No Kings" counterprotests, organized by the grassroots group 50501, were held nationwide ahead of the parade.

    A "No Kings" protest in Los Angeles.

    Aude Guerrucci/REUTERS

    Protest signs across the country condemned Trump's policies and expressed support for progressive causes.

    A "No Kings" protest in New York City.

    Eduardo Munoz/REUTERS

    President Donald Trump attended the parade with first lady Melania Trump. Vice President JD Vance and second lady Usha Vance were also present.

    Donald Trump and Melania Trump at the Army 250th Anniversary Parade.

    DOUG MILLS/POOL/AFP via Getty Images

    The Trump family members in attendance included Donald Trump Jr. and girlfriend Bettina Anderson, Eric and Lara Trump, and Tiffany Trump's husband, Michael Boulos.

    President Donald Trump, first lady Melania Trump, and other Trump family members and White House officials at the US Army's 250th anniversary parade.

    Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images

    The parade featured service members dressed in historic uniforms dating back to the Revolutionary War, honoring the origins of the US Army.

    US military service members in Revolutionary War uniforms marched along Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC.

    Amid FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images

    Historic tanks such as the Sherman tank used in World War II rolled through the streets.

    Members of the U.S Army drive in a Sherman tank in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC.

    Samuel Corum/Getty Images

    The parade also featured more modern tanks such as M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicles, which the US used in the Iraq War and provided to Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia.

    An M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicle rolls down Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC.

    AMID FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images

    Service members driving the vehicles waved and gestured at the crowds, who braved rainy weather to watch the festivities.

    Members of the US Army drive a Bradley Fighting Vehicle in the 250th anniversary parade.

    Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

    The Golden Knights, the US Army's parachute demonstration and competition team, leapt from planes and landed in front of the White House during the parade.

    A member of the Golden Knights during the US Army's 250th anniversary parade.

    Mandel NGAN / AFP

    Lines of uniformed service members stretched all the way down Constitution Avenue.

    Members of the US Army march in the 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC.

    Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images

    B-25 and P-51 planes performed flyovers despite foggy skies.

    A US Army B-25 and two P-51s performed a flyover during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC.

    OLIVER CONTRERAS/AFP via Getty Images

    Army helicopters flew in formation over the National Mall.

    A girl waved at a squad of helicopters during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade.

    MATTHEW HATCHER/AFP via Getty Images

    After the parade, the night ended with fireworks to celebrate the US Army's 250th birthday and Trump's 79th.

    Donald Trump and Melania Trump watch fireworks in Washington, DC, after the US Army's 250th anniversary parade.

    Doug Mills/Pool/Getty Images
    #photos #show #tanks #planes #soldiers
    Photos show the tanks, planes, and soldiers featured in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade held on Trump's birthday
    President Donald Trump has long expressed interest in holding a military parade. He finally got one for his birthday.The US Army celebrated its 250th anniversary on Saturday in Washington, DC, with a parade featuring 6,600 troops, 150 vehicles, and over 50 aircraft.June 14 also marked Trump's 79th birthday.Trump attended the event accompanied by first lady Melania Trump and other family members. The president stood to salute troops as they passed his viewing box.In May, a US Army spokesperson told CNBC that the event could cost between million and million in total. Prior to the parade, the National Mall was lined with displays of tanks, planes, cannons, and other weaponry to educate onlookers about the US Army's history and modern capabilities. A tank is on display on the National Mall ahead of the Army's 250th anniversary parade. Amid Farahi/AFP via Getty Images The US Army also held a fitness competition where service members competed against one another in various drills. A member of the military climbed a rope during a fitness competition at the US Army's 250th Anniversary festival in Washington, DC. Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images Anti-Trump "No Kings" counterprotests, organized by the grassroots group 50501, were held nationwide ahead of the parade. A "No Kings" protest in Los Angeles. Aude Guerrucci/REUTERS Protest signs across the country condemned Trump's policies and expressed support for progressive causes. A "No Kings" protest in New York City. Eduardo Munoz/REUTERS President Donald Trump attended the parade with first lady Melania Trump. Vice President JD Vance and second lady Usha Vance were also present. Donald Trump and Melania Trump at the Army 250th Anniversary Parade. DOUG MILLS/POOL/AFP via Getty Images The Trump family members in attendance included Donald Trump Jr. and girlfriend Bettina Anderson, Eric and Lara Trump, and Tiffany Trump's husband, Michael Boulos. President Donald Trump, first lady Melania Trump, and other Trump family members and White House officials at the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images The parade featured service members dressed in historic uniforms dating back to the Revolutionary War, honoring the origins of the US Army. US military service members in Revolutionary War uniforms marched along Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Amid FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images Historic tanks such as the Sherman tank used in World War II rolled through the streets. Members of the U.S Army drive in a Sherman tank in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Samuel Corum/Getty Images The parade also featured more modern tanks such as M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicles, which the US used in the Iraq War and provided to Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia. An M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicle rolls down Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC. AMID FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images Service members driving the vehicles waved and gestured at the crowds, who braved rainy weather to watch the festivities. Members of the US Army drive a Bradley Fighting Vehicle in the 250th anniversary parade. Andrew Harnik/Getty Images The Golden Knights, the US Army's parachute demonstration and competition team, leapt from planes and landed in front of the White House during the parade. A member of the Golden Knights during the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Mandel NGAN / AFP Lines of uniformed service members stretched all the way down Constitution Avenue. Members of the US Army march in the 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images B-25 and P-51 planes performed flyovers despite foggy skies. A US Army B-25 and two P-51s performed a flyover during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC. OLIVER CONTRERAS/AFP via Getty Images Army helicopters flew in formation over the National Mall. A girl waved at a squad of helicopters during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade. MATTHEW HATCHER/AFP via Getty Images After the parade, the night ended with fireworks to celebrate the US Army's 250th birthday and Trump's 79th. Donald Trump and Melania Trump watch fireworks in Washington, DC, after the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Doug Mills/Pool/Getty Images #photos #show #tanks #planes #soldiers
    WWW.BUSINESSINSIDER.COM
    Photos show the tanks, planes, and soldiers featured in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade held on Trump's birthday
    President Donald Trump has long expressed interest in holding a military parade. He finally got one for his birthday.The US Army celebrated its 250th anniversary on Saturday in Washington, DC, with a parade featuring 6,600 troops, 150 vehicles, and over 50 aircraft.June 14 also marked Trump's 79th birthday.Trump attended the event accompanied by first lady Melania Trump and other family members. The president stood to salute troops as they passed his viewing box.In May, a US Army spokesperson told CNBC that the event could cost between $25 million and $45 million in total. Prior to the parade, the National Mall was lined with displays of tanks, planes, cannons, and other weaponry to educate onlookers about the US Army's history and modern capabilities. A tank is on display on the National Mall ahead of the Army's 250th anniversary parade. Amid Farahi/AFP via Getty Images The US Army also held a fitness competition where service members competed against one another in various drills. A member of the military climbed a rope during a fitness competition at the US Army's 250th Anniversary festival in Washington, DC. Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images Anti-Trump "No Kings" counterprotests, organized by the grassroots group 50501, were held nationwide ahead of the parade. A "No Kings" protest in Los Angeles. Aude Guerrucci/REUTERS Protest signs across the country condemned Trump's policies and expressed support for progressive causes. A "No Kings" protest in New York City. Eduardo Munoz/REUTERS President Donald Trump attended the parade with first lady Melania Trump. Vice President JD Vance and second lady Usha Vance were also present. Donald Trump and Melania Trump at the Army 250th Anniversary Parade. DOUG MILLS/POOL/AFP via Getty Images The Trump family members in attendance included Donald Trump Jr. and girlfriend Bettina Anderson, Eric and Lara Trump, and Tiffany Trump's husband, Michael Boulos. President Donald Trump, first lady Melania Trump, and other Trump family members and White House officials at the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Mandel NGAN/AFP via Getty Images The parade featured service members dressed in historic uniforms dating back to the Revolutionary War, honoring the origins of the US Army. US military service members in Revolutionary War uniforms marched along Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Amid FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images Historic tanks such as the Sherman tank used in World War II rolled through the streets. Members of the U.S Army drive in a Sherman tank in the US Army's 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Samuel Corum/Getty Images The parade also featured more modern tanks such as M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicles, which the US used in the Iraq War and provided to Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia. An M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicle rolls down Constitution Avenue during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC. AMID FARAHI/AFP via Getty Images Service members driving the vehicles waved and gestured at the crowds, who braved rainy weather to watch the festivities. Members of the US Army drive a Bradley Fighting Vehicle in the 250th anniversary parade. Andrew Harnik/Getty Images The Golden Knights, the US Army's parachute demonstration and competition team, leapt from planes and landed in front of the White House during the parade. A member of the Golden Knights during the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Mandel NGAN / AFP Lines of uniformed service members stretched all the way down Constitution Avenue. Members of the US Army march in the 250th anniversary parade in Washington, DC. Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images B-25 and P-51 planes performed flyovers despite foggy skies. A US Army B-25 and two P-51s performed a flyover during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade in Washington, DC. OLIVER CONTRERAS/AFP via Getty Images Army helicopters flew in formation over the National Mall. A girl waved at a squad of helicopters during the Army's 250th Anniversary Parade. MATTHEW HATCHER/AFP via Getty Images After the parade, the night ended with fireworks to celebrate the US Army's 250th birthday and Trump's 79th. Donald Trump and Melania Trump watch fireworks in Washington, DC, after the US Army's 250th anniversary parade. Doug Mills/Pool/Getty Images
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims

    Fewer food crops

    Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims

    Report: An expansion of biofuels policy under Trump would lead to more greenhouse gas emissions.

    Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News



    Jun 14, 2025 7:10 am

    |

    24

    An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska.

    Credit:

    David Madison/Getty Images

    An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska.

    Credit:

    David Madison/Getty Images

    Story text

    Size

    Small
    Standard
    Large

    Width
    *

    Standard
    Wide

    Links

    Standard
    Orange

    * Subscribers only
      Learn more

    This article originally appeared on Inside Climate News, a nonprofit, non-partisan news organization that covers climate, energy, and the environment. Sign up for their newsletter here.
    The American Midwest is home to some of the richest, most productive farmland in the world, enabling its transformation into a vast corn- and soy-producing machine—a conversion spurred largely by decades-long policies that support the production of biofuels.
    But a new report takes a big swing at the ethanol orthodoxy of American agriculture, criticizing the industry for causing economic and social imbalances across rural communities and saying that the expansion of biofuels will increase greenhouse gas emissions, despite their purported climate benefits.
    The report, from the World Resources Institute, which has been critical of US biofuel policy in the past, draws from 100 academic studies on biofuel impacts. It concludes that ethanol policy has been largely a failure and ought to be reconsidered, especially as the world needs more land to produce food to meet growing demand.
    “Multiple studies show that US biofuel policies have reshaped crop production, displacing food crops and driving up emissions from land conversion, tillage, and fertilizer use,” said the report’s lead author, Haley Leslie-Bole. “Corn-based ethanol, in particular, has contributed to nutrient runoff, degraded water quality and harmed wildlife habitat. As climate pressures grow, increasing irrigation and refining for first-gen biofuels could deepen water scarcity in already drought-prone parts of the Midwest.”
    The conversion of Midwestern agricultural land has been sweeping. Between 2004 and 2024, ethanol production increased by nearly 500 percent. Corn and soybeans are now grown on 92 and 86 million acres of land respectively—and roughly a third of those crops go to produce ethanol. That means about 30 million acres of land that could be used to grow food crops are instead being used to produce ethanol, despite ethanol only accounting for 6 percent of the country’s transportation fuel.

    The biofuels industry—which includes refiners, corn and soy growers and the influential agriculture lobby writ large—has long insisted that corn- and soy-based biofuels provide an energy-efficient alternative to fossil-based fuels. Congress and the US Department of Agriculture have agreed.
    The country’s primary biofuels policy, the Renewable Fuel Standard, requires that biofuels provide a greenhouse gas reduction over fossil fuels: The law says that ethanol from new plants must deliver a 20 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to gasoline.
    In addition to greenhouse gas reductions, the industry and its allies in Congress have also continued to say that ethanol is a primary mainstay of the rural economy, benefiting communities across the Midwest.
    But a growing body of research—much of which the industry has tried to debunk and deride—suggests that ethanol actually may not provide the benefits that policies require. It may, in fact, produce more greenhouse gases than the fossil fuels it was intended to replace. Recent research says that biofuel refiners also emit significant amounts of carcinogenic and dangerous substances, including hexane and formaldehyde, in greater amounts than petroleum refineries.
    The new report points to research saying that increased production of biofuels from corn and soy could actually raise greenhouse gas emissions, largely from carbon emissions linked to clearing land in other countries to compensate for the use of land in the Midwest.
    On top of that, corn is an especially fertilizer-hungry crop requiring large amounts of nitrogen-based fertilizer, which releases huge amounts of nitrous oxide when it interacts with the soil. American farming is, by far, the largest source of domestic nitrous oxide emissions already—about 50 percent. If biofuel policies lead to expanded production, emissions of this enormously powerful greenhouse gas will likely increase, too.

    The new report concludes that not only will the expansion of ethanol increase greenhouse gas emissions, but it has also failed to provide the social and financial benefits to Midwestern communities that lawmakers and the industry say it has.“The benefits from biofuels remain concentrated in the hands of a few,” Leslie-Bole said. “As subsidies flow, so may the trend of farmland consolidation, increasing inaccessibility of farmland in the Midwest, and locking out emerging or low-resource farmers. This means the benefits of biofuels production are flowing to fewer people, while more are left bearing the costs.”
    New policies being considered in state legislatures and Congress, including additional tax credits and support for biofuel-based aviation fuel, could expand production, potentially causing more land conversion and greenhouse gas emissions, widening the gap between the rural communities and rich agribusinesses at a time when food demand is climbing and, critics say, land should be used to grow food instead.
    President Donald Trump’s tax cut bill, passed by the House and currently being negotiated in the Senate, would not only extend tax credits for biofuels producers, it specifically excludes calculations of emissions from land conversion when determining what qualifies as a low-emission fuel.
    The primary biofuels industry trade groups, including Growth Energy and the Renewable Fuels Association, did not respond to Inside Climate News requests for comment or interviews.
    An employee with the Clean Fuels Alliance America, which represents biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel producers, not ethanol, said the report vastly overstates the carbon emissions from crop-based fuels by comparing the farmed land to natural landscapes, which no longer exist.
    They also noted that the impact of soy-based fuels in 2024 was more than billion, providing over 100,000 jobs.
    “Ten percent of the value of every bushel of soybeans is linked to biomass-based fuel,” they said.

    Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News

    24 Comments
    #biofuels #policy #has #been #failure
    Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims
    Fewer food crops Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims Report: An expansion of biofuels policy under Trump would lead to more greenhouse gas emissions. Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News – Jun 14, 2025 7:10 am | 24 An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska. Credit: David Madison/Getty Images An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska. Credit: David Madison/Getty Images Story text Size Small Standard Large Width * Standard Wide Links Standard Orange * Subscribers only   Learn more This article originally appeared on Inside Climate News, a nonprofit, non-partisan news organization that covers climate, energy, and the environment. Sign up for their newsletter here. The American Midwest is home to some of the richest, most productive farmland in the world, enabling its transformation into a vast corn- and soy-producing machine—a conversion spurred largely by decades-long policies that support the production of biofuels. But a new report takes a big swing at the ethanol orthodoxy of American agriculture, criticizing the industry for causing economic and social imbalances across rural communities and saying that the expansion of biofuels will increase greenhouse gas emissions, despite their purported climate benefits. The report, from the World Resources Institute, which has been critical of US biofuel policy in the past, draws from 100 academic studies on biofuel impacts. It concludes that ethanol policy has been largely a failure and ought to be reconsidered, especially as the world needs more land to produce food to meet growing demand. “Multiple studies show that US biofuel policies have reshaped crop production, displacing food crops and driving up emissions from land conversion, tillage, and fertilizer use,” said the report’s lead author, Haley Leslie-Bole. “Corn-based ethanol, in particular, has contributed to nutrient runoff, degraded water quality and harmed wildlife habitat. As climate pressures grow, increasing irrigation and refining for first-gen biofuels could deepen water scarcity in already drought-prone parts of the Midwest.” The conversion of Midwestern agricultural land has been sweeping. Between 2004 and 2024, ethanol production increased by nearly 500 percent. Corn and soybeans are now grown on 92 and 86 million acres of land respectively—and roughly a third of those crops go to produce ethanol. That means about 30 million acres of land that could be used to grow food crops are instead being used to produce ethanol, despite ethanol only accounting for 6 percent of the country’s transportation fuel. The biofuels industry—which includes refiners, corn and soy growers and the influential agriculture lobby writ large—has long insisted that corn- and soy-based biofuels provide an energy-efficient alternative to fossil-based fuels. Congress and the US Department of Agriculture have agreed. The country’s primary biofuels policy, the Renewable Fuel Standard, requires that biofuels provide a greenhouse gas reduction over fossil fuels: The law says that ethanol from new plants must deliver a 20 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to gasoline. In addition to greenhouse gas reductions, the industry and its allies in Congress have also continued to say that ethanol is a primary mainstay of the rural economy, benefiting communities across the Midwest. But a growing body of research—much of which the industry has tried to debunk and deride—suggests that ethanol actually may not provide the benefits that policies require. It may, in fact, produce more greenhouse gases than the fossil fuels it was intended to replace. Recent research says that biofuel refiners also emit significant amounts of carcinogenic and dangerous substances, including hexane and formaldehyde, in greater amounts than petroleum refineries. The new report points to research saying that increased production of biofuels from corn and soy could actually raise greenhouse gas emissions, largely from carbon emissions linked to clearing land in other countries to compensate for the use of land in the Midwest. On top of that, corn is an especially fertilizer-hungry crop requiring large amounts of nitrogen-based fertilizer, which releases huge amounts of nitrous oxide when it interacts with the soil. American farming is, by far, the largest source of domestic nitrous oxide emissions already—about 50 percent. If biofuel policies lead to expanded production, emissions of this enormously powerful greenhouse gas will likely increase, too. The new report concludes that not only will the expansion of ethanol increase greenhouse gas emissions, but it has also failed to provide the social and financial benefits to Midwestern communities that lawmakers and the industry say it has.“The benefits from biofuels remain concentrated in the hands of a few,” Leslie-Bole said. “As subsidies flow, so may the trend of farmland consolidation, increasing inaccessibility of farmland in the Midwest, and locking out emerging or low-resource farmers. This means the benefits of biofuels production are flowing to fewer people, while more are left bearing the costs.” New policies being considered in state legislatures and Congress, including additional tax credits and support for biofuel-based aviation fuel, could expand production, potentially causing more land conversion and greenhouse gas emissions, widening the gap between the rural communities and rich agribusinesses at a time when food demand is climbing and, critics say, land should be used to grow food instead. President Donald Trump’s tax cut bill, passed by the House and currently being negotiated in the Senate, would not only extend tax credits for biofuels producers, it specifically excludes calculations of emissions from land conversion when determining what qualifies as a low-emission fuel. The primary biofuels industry trade groups, including Growth Energy and the Renewable Fuels Association, did not respond to Inside Climate News requests for comment or interviews. An employee with the Clean Fuels Alliance America, which represents biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel producers, not ethanol, said the report vastly overstates the carbon emissions from crop-based fuels by comparing the farmed land to natural landscapes, which no longer exist. They also noted that the impact of soy-based fuels in 2024 was more than billion, providing over 100,000 jobs. “Ten percent of the value of every bushel of soybeans is linked to biomass-based fuel,” they said. Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News 24 Comments #biofuels #policy #has #been #failure
    ARSTECHNICA.COM
    Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims
    Fewer food crops Biofuels policy has been a failure for the climate, new report claims Report: An expansion of biofuels policy under Trump would lead to more greenhouse gas emissions. Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News – Jun 14, 2025 7:10 am | 24 An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska. Credit: David Madison/Getty Images An ethanol production plant on March 20, 2024 near Ravenna, Nebraska. Credit: David Madison/Getty Images Story text Size Small Standard Large Width * Standard Wide Links Standard Orange * Subscribers only   Learn more This article originally appeared on Inside Climate News, a nonprofit, non-partisan news organization that covers climate, energy, and the environment. Sign up for their newsletter here. The American Midwest is home to some of the richest, most productive farmland in the world, enabling its transformation into a vast corn- and soy-producing machine—a conversion spurred largely by decades-long policies that support the production of biofuels. But a new report takes a big swing at the ethanol orthodoxy of American agriculture, criticizing the industry for causing economic and social imbalances across rural communities and saying that the expansion of biofuels will increase greenhouse gas emissions, despite their purported climate benefits. The report, from the World Resources Institute, which has been critical of US biofuel policy in the past, draws from 100 academic studies on biofuel impacts. It concludes that ethanol policy has been largely a failure and ought to be reconsidered, especially as the world needs more land to produce food to meet growing demand. “Multiple studies show that US biofuel policies have reshaped crop production, displacing food crops and driving up emissions from land conversion, tillage, and fertilizer use,” said the report’s lead author, Haley Leslie-Bole. “Corn-based ethanol, in particular, has contributed to nutrient runoff, degraded water quality and harmed wildlife habitat. As climate pressures grow, increasing irrigation and refining for first-gen biofuels could deepen water scarcity in already drought-prone parts of the Midwest.” The conversion of Midwestern agricultural land has been sweeping. Between 2004 and 2024, ethanol production increased by nearly 500 percent. Corn and soybeans are now grown on 92 and 86 million acres of land respectively—and roughly a third of those crops go to produce ethanol. That means about 30 million acres of land that could be used to grow food crops are instead being used to produce ethanol, despite ethanol only accounting for 6 percent of the country’s transportation fuel. The biofuels industry—which includes refiners, corn and soy growers and the influential agriculture lobby writ large—has long insisted that corn- and soy-based biofuels provide an energy-efficient alternative to fossil-based fuels. Congress and the US Department of Agriculture have agreed. The country’s primary biofuels policy, the Renewable Fuel Standard, requires that biofuels provide a greenhouse gas reduction over fossil fuels: The law says that ethanol from new plants must deliver a 20 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to gasoline. In addition to greenhouse gas reductions, the industry and its allies in Congress have also continued to say that ethanol is a primary mainstay of the rural economy, benefiting communities across the Midwest. But a growing body of research—much of which the industry has tried to debunk and deride—suggests that ethanol actually may not provide the benefits that policies require. It may, in fact, produce more greenhouse gases than the fossil fuels it was intended to replace. Recent research says that biofuel refiners also emit significant amounts of carcinogenic and dangerous substances, including hexane and formaldehyde, in greater amounts than petroleum refineries. The new report points to research saying that increased production of biofuels from corn and soy could actually raise greenhouse gas emissions, largely from carbon emissions linked to clearing land in other countries to compensate for the use of land in the Midwest. On top of that, corn is an especially fertilizer-hungry crop requiring large amounts of nitrogen-based fertilizer, which releases huge amounts of nitrous oxide when it interacts with the soil. American farming is, by far, the largest source of domestic nitrous oxide emissions already—about 50 percent. If biofuel policies lead to expanded production, emissions of this enormously powerful greenhouse gas will likely increase, too. The new report concludes that not only will the expansion of ethanol increase greenhouse gas emissions, but it has also failed to provide the social and financial benefits to Midwestern communities that lawmakers and the industry say it has. (The report defines the Midwest as Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin.) “The benefits from biofuels remain concentrated in the hands of a few,” Leslie-Bole said. “As subsidies flow, so may the trend of farmland consolidation, increasing inaccessibility of farmland in the Midwest, and locking out emerging or low-resource farmers. This means the benefits of biofuels production are flowing to fewer people, while more are left bearing the costs.” New policies being considered in state legislatures and Congress, including additional tax credits and support for biofuel-based aviation fuel, could expand production, potentially causing more land conversion and greenhouse gas emissions, widening the gap between the rural communities and rich agribusinesses at a time when food demand is climbing and, critics say, land should be used to grow food instead. President Donald Trump’s tax cut bill, passed by the House and currently being negotiated in the Senate, would not only extend tax credits for biofuels producers, it specifically excludes calculations of emissions from land conversion when determining what qualifies as a low-emission fuel. The primary biofuels industry trade groups, including Growth Energy and the Renewable Fuels Association, did not respond to Inside Climate News requests for comment or interviews. An employee with the Clean Fuels Alliance America, which represents biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel producers, not ethanol, said the report vastly overstates the carbon emissions from crop-based fuels by comparing the farmed land to natural landscapes, which no longer exist. They also noted that the impact of soy-based fuels in 2024 was more than $42 billion, providing over 100,000 jobs. “Ten percent of the value of every bushel of soybeans is linked to biomass-based fuel,” they said. Georgina Gustin, Inside Climate News 24 Comments
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • Cape to Cairo: the making and unmaking of colonial road networks

    In 2024, Egypt completed its 1,155km stretch of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway, a 10,228km‑long road connecting 10 African countries – Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa.  
    The imaginary of ‘Cape to Cairo’ is not new. In 1874, editor of the Daily Telegraph Edwin Arnold proposed a plan to connect the African continent by rail, a project that came to be known as the Cape to Cairo Railway project. Cecil Rhodes expressed his support for the project, seeing it as a means to connect the various ‘possessions’ of the British Empire across Africa, facilitating the movement of troops and natural resources. This railway project was never completed, and in 1970 was overlaid by a very different attempt at connecting the Cape to Cairo, as part of the Trans‑African Highway network. This 56,683km‑long system of highways – some dating from the colonial era, some built as part of the 1970s project, and some only recently built – aimed to create lines of connection across the African continent, from north to south as well as east to west. 
    Here, postcolonial state power invested in ‘moving the continent’s people and economies from past to future’, as architectural historians Kenny Cupers and Prita Meier write in their 2020 essay ‘Infrastructure between Statehood and Selfhood: The Trans‑African Highway’. The highways were to be built with the support of Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana’s director of social welfare Robert Gardiner, as well as the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. This project was part of a particular historical moment during which anticolonial ideas animated most of the African continent; alongside trade, this iteration of Cape to Cairo centred social and cultural connection between African peoples. But though largely socialist in ambition, the project nevertheless engaged modernist developmentalist logics that cemented capitalism. 
    Lead image: Over a century in the making, the final stretches of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway are being finished. Egypt completed the section within its borders last year and a section over the dry Merille River in Kenya was constructed in 2019. Credit: Allan Muturi / SOPA / ZUMA / Alamy. Above: The route from Cairo to Cape Town, outlined in red, belongs to the Trans‑African Highway network, which comprises nine routes, here in black

    The project failed to fully materialise at the time, but efforts to complete the Trans‑African Highway network have been revived in the last 20 years; large parts are now complete though some links remain unbuilt and many roads are unpaved or hazardous. The most recent attempts to realise this project coincide with a new continental free trade agreement, the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area, established in 2019, to increase trade within the continent. The contemporary manifestation of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway – also known as Trans‑African Highway4 – is marked by deepening neoliberal politics. Represented as an opportunity to boost trade and exports, connecting Egypt to African markets that the Egyptian government view as ‘untapped’, the project invokes notions of trade steeped in extraction, reflecting the neoliberal logic underpinning contemporary Egyptian governance; today, the country’s political project, led by Abdel Fattah El Sisi, is oriented towards Egyptian dominance and extraction in relation to the rest of the continent. 
    Through an allusion to markets ripe for extraction, this language brings to the fore historical forms of domination that have shaped the connections between Egypt and the rest of the continent; previous iterations of connection across the continent often reproduced forms of domination stretching from the north of the African continent to the south, including the Trans‑Saharan slave trade routes across Africa that ended in various North African and Middle Eastern territories. These networks, beginning in the 8th century and lasting until the 20th, produced racialised hierarchies across the continent, shaping North Africa into a comparably privileged space proximate to ‘Arabness’. This was a racialised division based on a civilisational narrative that saw Arabs as superior, but more importantly a political economic division resulting from the slave trade routes that produced huge profits for North Africa and the Middle East. In the contemporary moment, these racialised hierarchies are bound up in political economic dependency on the Arab Gulf states, who are themselves dependent on resource extraction, land grabbing and privatisation across the entire African continent. 
    ‘The Cairo–Cape Town Highway connects Egypt to African markets viewed as “untapped”, invoking notions steeped in extraction’
    However, this imaginary conjured by the Cairo–Cape Town Highway is countered by a network of streets scattered across Africa that traces the web of Egyptian Pan‑African solidarity across the continent. In Lusaka in Zambia, you might find yourself on Nasser Road, as you might in Mwanza in Tanzania or Luanda in Angola. In Mombasa in Kenya, you might be driving down Abdel Nasser Road; in Kampala in Uganda, you might find yourself at Nasser Road University; and in Tunis in Tunisia, you might end up on Gamal Abdel Nasser Street. These street names are a reference to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s first postcolonial leader and president between 1956 and 1970. 
    Read against the contemporary Cairo–Cape Town Highway, these place names signal a different form of connection that brings to life Egyptian Pan‑Africanism, when solidarity was the hegemonic force connecting the continent, coming up against the notion of a natural or timeless ‘great divide’ within Africa. From the memoirs of Egyptian officials who were posted around Africa as conduits of solidarity, to the broadcasts of Radio Cairo that were heard across the continent, to the various conferences attended by anticolonial movements and postcolonial states, Egypt’s orientation towards Pan‑Africanism, beginning in the early 20th century and lasting until the 1970s, was both material and ideological. Figures and movements forged webs of solidarity with their African comrades, imagining an Africa that was united through shared commitments to ending colonialism and capitalist extraction. 
    The route between Cape Town in South Africa and Cairo in Egypt has long occupied the colonial imaginary. In 1930, Margaret Belcher and Ellen Budgell made the journey, sponsored by car brand Morris and oil company Shell
    Credit: Fox Photos / Getty
    The pair made use of the road built by British colonisers in the 19th century, and which forms the basis for the current Cairo–Cape Town Highway. The road was preceded by the 1874 Cape to Cairo Railway project, which connected the colonies of the British Empire
    Credit: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division
    This network of eponymous streets represents attempts to inscribe anticolonial power into the materiality of the city. Street‑naming practices are one way in which the past comes into the present, ‘weaving history into the geographic fabric of everyday life’, as geographer Derek Alderman wrote in his 2002 essay ‘Street Names as Memorial Arenas’. In this vein, the renaming of streets during decolonisation marked a practice of contesting the production of colonial space. In the newly postcolonial city, renaming was a way of ‘claiming the city back’, Alderman continues. While these changes may appear discursive, it is their embedding in material spaces, through signs and maps, that make the names come to life; place names become a part of the everyday through sharing addresses or giving directions. This quality makes them powerful; consciously or unconsciously, they form part of how the spaces of the city are navigated. 
    These are traces that were once part of a dominant historical narrative; yet when they are encountered in the present, during a different historical moment, they no longer act as expressions of power but instead conjure up a moment that has long passed. A street in Lusaka named after an Egyptian general made more sense 60 years ago than it does today, yet contextualising it recovers a marginalised history of Egyptian Pan‑Africanism. 
    Markers such as street names or monuments are simultaneously markers of anticolonial struggle as well as expressions of state power – part of an attempt, by political projects such as Nasser’s, to exert their own dominance over cities, towns and villages. That such traces are expressions of both anticolonial hopes and postcolonial state power produces a sense of tension within them. For instance, Nasser’s postcolonial project in Egypt was a contradictory one; it gave life to anticolonial hopes – for instance by breaking away from European capitalism and embracing anticolonial geopolitics – while crushing many parts of the left through repression, censorship and imprisonment. Traces of Nasser found today inscribe both anticolonial promises – those that came to life and those that did not – while reproducing postcolonial power that in most instances ended in dictatorship. 
    Recent efforts to complete the route build on those of the post‑independence era – work on a section north of Nairobi started in 1968
    Credit: Associated Press / Alamy
    The Trans‑African Highway network was conceived in 1970 in the spirit of Pan‑Africanism

    At that time, the routes did not extend into South Africa, which was in the grip of apartheid. The Trans‑African Highway initiative was motivated by a desire to improve trade and centre cultural links across the continent – an ambition that was even celebrated on postage stamps

    There have been long‑standing debates about the erasure of the radical anticolonial spirit from the more conservative postcolonial states that emerged; the promises and hopes of anticolonialism, not least among them socialism and a world free of white supremacy, remain largely unrealised. Instead, by the 1970s neoliberalism emerged as a new hegemonic project. The contemporary instantiation of Cape to Cairo highlights just how pervasive neoliberal logics continue to be, despite multiple global financial crises and the 2011 Egyptian revolution demanding ‘bread, freedom, social justice’. 
    But the network of streets named after anticolonial figures and events across the world is testament to the immense power and promise of anticolonial revolution. Most of the 20th century was characterised by anticolonial struggle, decolonisation and postcolonial nation‑building, as nations across the global south gained independence from European empire and founded their own political projects. Anticolonial traces, present in street and place names, point to the possibility of solidarity as a means of reorienting colonial geographies. They are a reminder that there have been other imaginings of Cape to Cairo, and that things can be – and have been – otherwise.

    2025-06-13
    Kristina Rapacki

    Share
    #cape #cairo #making #unmaking #colonial
    Cape to Cairo: the making and unmaking of colonial road networks
    In 2024, Egypt completed its 1,155km stretch of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway, a 10,228km‑long road connecting 10 African countries – Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa.   The imaginary of ‘Cape to Cairo’ is not new. In 1874, editor of the Daily Telegraph Edwin Arnold proposed a plan to connect the African continent by rail, a project that came to be known as the Cape to Cairo Railway project. Cecil Rhodes expressed his support for the project, seeing it as a means to connect the various ‘possessions’ of the British Empire across Africa, facilitating the movement of troops and natural resources. This railway project was never completed, and in 1970 was overlaid by a very different attempt at connecting the Cape to Cairo, as part of the Trans‑African Highway network. This 56,683km‑long system of highways – some dating from the colonial era, some built as part of the 1970s project, and some only recently built – aimed to create lines of connection across the African continent, from north to south as well as east to west.  Here, postcolonial state power invested in ‘moving the continent’s people and economies from past to future’, as architectural historians Kenny Cupers and Prita Meier write in their 2020 essay ‘Infrastructure between Statehood and Selfhood: The Trans‑African Highway’. The highways were to be built with the support of Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana’s director of social welfare Robert Gardiner, as well as the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. This project was part of a particular historical moment during which anticolonial ideas animated most of the African continent; alongside trade, this iteration of Cape to Cairo centred social and cultural connection between African peoples. But though largely socialist in ambition, the project nevertheless engaged modernist developmentalist logics that cemented capitalism.  Lead image: Over a century in the making, the final stretches of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway are being finished. Egypt completed the section within its borders last year and a section over the dry Merille River in Kenya was constructed in 2019. Credit: Allan Muturi / SOPA / ZUMA / Alamy. Above: The route from Cairo to Cape Town, outlined in red, belongs to the Trans‑African Highway network, which comprises nine routes, here in black The project failed to fully materialise at the time, but efforts to complete the Trans‑African Highway network have been revived in the last 20 years; large parts are now complete though some links remain unbuilt and many roads are unpaved or hazardous. The most recent attempts to realise this project coincide with a new continental free trade agreement, the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area, established in 2019, to increase trade within the continent. The contemporary manifestation of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway – also known as Trans‑African Highway4 – is marked by deepening neoliberal politics. Represented as an opportunity to boost trade and exports, connecting Egypt to African markets that the Egyptian government view as ‘untapped’, the project invokes notions of trade steeped in extraction, reflecting the neoliberal logic underpinning contemporary Egyptian governance; today, the country’s political project, led by Abdel Fattah El Sisi, is oriented towards Egyptian dominance and extraction in relation to the rest of the continent.  Through an allusion to markets ripe for extraction, this language brings to the fore historical forms of domination that have shaped the connections between Egypt and the rest of the continent; previous iterations of connection across the continent often reproduced forms of domination stretching from the north of the African continent to the south, including the Trans‑Saharan slave trade routes across Africa that ended in various North African and Middle Eastern territories. These networks, beginning in the 8th century and lasting until the 20th, produced racialised hierarchies across the continent, shaping North Africa into a comparably privileged space proximate to ‘Arabness’. This was a racialised division based on a civilisational narrative that saw Arabs as superior, but more importantly a political economic division resulting from the slave trade routes that produced huge profits for North Africa and the Middle East. In the contemporary moment, these racialised hierarchies are bound up in political economic dependency on the Arab Gulf states, who are themselves dependent on resource extraction, land grabbing and privatisation across the entire African continent.  ‘The Cairo–Cape Town Highway connects Egypt to African markets viewed as “untapped”, invoking notions steeped in extraction’ However, this imaginary conjured by the Cairo–Cape Town Highway is countered by a network of streets scattered across Africa that traces the web of Egyptian Pan‑African solidarity across the continent. In Lusaka in Zambia, you might find yourself on Nasser Road, as you might in Mwanza in Tanzania or Luanda in Angola. In Mombasa in Kenya, you might be driving down Abdel Nasser Road; in Kampala in Uganda, you might find yourself at Nasser Road University; and in Tunis in Tunisia, you might end up on Gamal Abdel Nasser Street. These street names are a reference to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s first postcolonial leader and president between 1956 and 1970.  Read against the contemporary Cairo–Cape Town Highway, these place names signal a different form of connection that brings to life Egyptian Pan‑Africanism, when solidarity was the hegemonic force connecting the continent, coming up against the notion of a natural or timeless ‘great divide’ within Africa. From the memoirs of Egyptian officials who were posted around Africa as conduits of solidarity, to the broadcasts of Radio Cairo that were heard across the continent, to the various conferences attended by anticolonial movements and postcolonial states, Egypt’s orientation towards Pan‑Africanism, beginning in the early 20th century and lasting until the 1970s, was both material and ideological. Figures and movements forged webs of solidarity with their African comrades, imagining an Africa that was united through shared commitments to ending colonialism and capitalist extraction.  The route between Cape Town in South Africa and Cairo in Egypt has long occupied the colonial imaginary. In 1930, Margaret Belcher and Ellen Budgell made the journey, sponsored by car brand Morris and oil company Shell Credit: Fox Photos / Getty The pair made use of the road built by British colonisers in the 19th century, and which forms the basis for the current Cairo–Cape Town Highway. The road was preceded by the 1874 Cape to Cairo Railway project, which connected the colonies of the British Empire Credit: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division This network of eponymous streets represents attempts to inscribe anticolonial power into the materiality of the city. Street‑naming practices are one way in which the past comes into the present, ‘weaving history into the geographic fabric of everyday life’, as geographer Derek Alderman wrote in his 2002 essay ‘Street Names as Memorial Arenas’. In this vein, the renaming of streets during decolonisation marked a practice of contesting the production of colonial space. In the newly postcolonial city, renaming was a way of ‘claiming the city back’, Alderman continues. While these changes may appear discursive, it is their embedding in material spaces, through signs and maps, that make the names come to life; place names become a part of the everyday through sharing addresses or giving directions. This quality makes them powerful; consciously or unconsciously, they form part of how the spaces of the city are navigated.  These are traces that were once part of a dominant historical narrative; yet when they are encountered in the present, during a different historical moment, they no longer act as expressions of power but instead conjure up a moment that has long passed. A street in Lusaka named after an Egyptian general made more sense 60 years ago than it does today, yet contextualising it recovers a marginalised history of Egyptian Pan‑Africanism.  Markers such as street names or monuments are simultaneously markers of anticolonial struggle as well as expressions of state power – part of an attempt, by political projects such as Nasser’s, to exert their own dominance over cities, towns and villages. That such traces are expressions of both anticolonial hopes and postcolonial state power produces a sense of tension within them. For instance, Nasser’s postcolonial project in Egypt was a contradictory one; it gave life to anticolonial hopes – for instance by breaking away from European capitalism and embracing anticolonial geopolitics – while crushing many parts of the left through repression, censorship and imprisonment. Traces of Nasser found today inscribe both anticolonial promises – those that came to life and those that did not – while reproducing postcolonial power that in most instances ended in dictatorship.  Recent efforts to complete the route build on those of the post‑independence era – work on a section north of Nairobi started in 1968 Credit: Associated Press / Alamy The Trans‑African Highway network was conceived in 1970 in the spirit of Pan‑Africanism At that time, the routes did not extend into South Africa, which was in the grip of apartheid. The Trans‑African Highway initiative was motivated by a desire to improve trade and centre cultural links across the continent – an ambition that was even celebrated on postage stamps There have been long‑standing debates about the erasure of the radical anticolonial spirit from the more conservative postcolonial states that emerged; the promises and hopes of anticolonialism, not least among them socialism and a world free of white supremacy, remain largely unrealised. Instead, by the 1970s neoliberalism emerged as a new hegemonic project. The contemporary instantiation of Cape to Cairo highlights just how pervasive neoliberal logics continue to be, despite multiple global financial crises and the 2011 Egyptian revolution demanding ‘bread, freedom, social justice’.  But the network of streets named after anticolonial figures and events across the world is testament to the immense power and promise of anticolonial revolution. Most of the 20th century was characterised by anticolonial struggle, decolonisation and postcolonial nation‑building, as nations across the global south gained independence from European empire and founded their own political projects. Anticolonial traces, present in street and place names, point to the possibility of solidarity as a means of reorienting colonial geographies. They are a reminder that there have been other imaginings of Cape to Cairo, and that things can be – and have been – otherwise. 2025-06-13 Kristina Rapacki Share #cape #cairo #making #unmaking #colonial
    WWW.ARCHITECTURAL-REVIEW.COM
    Cape to Cairo: the making and unmaking of colonial road networks
    In 2024, Egypt completed its 1,155km stretch of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway, a 10,228km‑long road connecting 10 African countries – Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa.   The imaginary of ‘Cape to Cairo’ is not new. In 1874, editor of the Daily Telegraph Edwin Arnold proposed a plan to connect the African continent by rail, a project that came to be known as the Cape to Cairo Railway project. Cecil Rhodes expressed his support for the project, seeing it as a means to connect the various ‘possessions’ of the British Empire across Africa, facilitating the movement of troops and natural resources. This railway project was never completed, and in 1970 was overlaid by a very different attempt at connecting the Cape to Cairo, as part of the Trans‑African Highway network. This 56,683km‑long system of highways – some dating from the colonial era, some built as part of the 1970s project, and some only recently built – aimed to create lines of connection across the African continent, from north to south as well as east to west.  Here, postcolonial state power invested in ‘moving the continent’s people and economies from past to future’, as architectural historians Kenny Cupers and Prita Meier write in their 2020 essay ‘Infrastructure between Statehood and Selfhood: The Trans‑African Highway’. The highways were to be built with the support of Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana’s director of social welfare Robert Gardiner, as well as the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). This project was part of a particular historical moment during which anticolonial ideas animated most of the African continent; alongside trade, this iteration of Cape to Cairo centred social and cultural connection between African peoples. But though largely socialist in ambition, the project nevertheless engaged modernist developmentalist logics that cemented capitalism.  Lead image: Over a century in the making, the final stretches of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway are being finished. Egypt completed the section within its borders last year and a section over the dry Merille River in Kenya was constructed in 2019. Credit: Allan Muturi / SOPA / ZUMA / Alamy. Above: The route from Cairo to Cape Town, outlined in red, belongs to the Trans‑African Highway network, which comprises nine routes, here in black The project failed to fully materialise at the time, but efforts to complete the Trans‑African Highway network have been revived in the last 20 years; large parts are now complete though some links remain unbuilt and many roads are unpaved or hazardous. The most recent attempts to realise this project coincide with a new continental free trade agreement, the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), established in 2019, to increase trade within the continent. The contemporary manifestation of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway – also known as Trans‑African Highway (TAH) 4 – is marked by deepening neoliberal politics. Represented as an opportunity to boost trade and exports, connecting Egypt to African markets that the Egyptian government view as ‘untapped’, the project invokes notions of trade steeped in extraction, reflecting the neoliberal logic underpinning contemporary Egyptian governance; today, the country’s political project, led by Abdel Fattah El Sisi, is oriented towards Egyptian dominance and extraction in relation to the rest of the continent.  Through an allusion to markets ripe for extraction, this language brings to the fore historical forms of domination that have shaped the connections between Egypt and the rest of the continent; previous iterations of connection across the continent often reproduced forms of domination stretching from the north of the African continent to the south, including the Trans‑Saharan slave trade routes across Africa that ended in various North African and Middle Eastern territories. These networks, beginning in the 8th century and lasting until the 20th, produced racialised hierarchies across the continent, shaping North Africa into a comparably privileged space proximate to ‘Arabness’. This was a racialised division based on a civilisational narrative that saw Arabs as superior, but more importantly a political economic division resulting from the slave trade routes that produced huge profits for North Africa and the Middle East. In the contemporary moment, these racialised hierarchies are bound up in political economic dependency on the Arab Gulf states, who are themselves dependent on resource extraction, land grabbing and privatisation across the entire African continent.  ‘The Cairo–Cape Town Highway connects Egypt to African markets viewed as “untapped”, invoking notions steeped in extraction’ However, this imaginary conjured by the Cairo–Cape Town Highway is countered by a network of streets scattered across Africa that traces the web of Egyptian Pan‑African solidarity across the continent. In Lusaka in Zambia, you might find yourself on Nasser Road, as you might in Mwanza in Tanzania or Luanda in Angola. In Mombasa in Kenya, you might be driving down Abdel Nasser Road; in Kampala in Uganda, you might find yourself at Nasser Road University; and in Tunis in Tunisia, you might end up on Gamal Abdel Nasser Street. These street names are a reference to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s first postcolonial leader and president between 1956 and 1970.  Read against the contemporary Cairo–Cape Town Highway, these place names signal a different form of connection that brings to life Egyptian Pan‑Africanism, when solidarity was the hegemonic force connecting the continent, coming up against the notion of a natural or timeless ‘great divide’ within Africa. From the memoirs of Egyptian officials who were posted around Africa as conduits of solidarity, to the broadcasts of Radio Cairo that were heard across the continent, to the various conferences attended by anticolonial movements and postcolonial states, Egypt’s orientation towards Pan‑Africanism, beginning in the early 20th century and lasting until the 1970s, was both material and ideological. Figures and movements forged webs of solidarity with their African comrades, imagining an Africa that was united through shared commitments to ending colonialism and capitalist extraction.  The route between Cape Town in South Africa and Cairo in Egypt has long occupied the colonial imaginary. In 1930, Margaret Belcher and Ellen Budgell made the journey, sponsored by car brand Morris and oil company Shell Credit: Fox Photos / Getty The pair made use of the road built by British colonisers in the 19th century, and which forms the basis for the current Cairo–Cape Town Highway. The road was preceded by the 1874 Cape to Cairo Railway project, which connected the colonies of the British Empire Credit: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division This network of eponymous streets represents attempts to inscribe anticolonial power into the materiality of the city. Street‑naming practices are one way in which the past comes into the present, ‘weaving history into the geographic fabric of everyday life’, as geographer Derek Alderman wrote in his 2002 essay ‘Street Names as Memorial Arenas’. In this vein, the renaming of streets during decolonisation marked a practice of contesting the production of colonial space. In the newly postcolonial city, renaming was a way of ‘claiming the city back’, Alderman continues. While these changes may appear discursive, it is their embedding in material spaces, through signs and maps, that make the names come to life; place names become a part of the everyday through sharing addresses or giving directions. This quality makes them powerful; consciously or unconsciously, they form part of how the spaces of the city are navigated.  These are traces that were once part of a dominant historical narrative; yet when they are encountered in the present, during a different historical moment, they no longer act as expressions of power but instead conjure up a moment that has long passed. A street in Lusaka named after an Egyptian general made more sense 60 years ago than it does today, yet contextualising it recovers a marginalised history of Egyptian Pan‑Africanism.  Markers such as street names or monuments are simultaneously markers of anticolonial struggle as well as expressions of state power – part of an attempt, by political projects such as Nasser’s, to exert their own dominance over cities, towns and villages. That such traces are expressions of both anticolonial hopes and postcolonial state power produces a sense of tension within them. For instance, Nasser’s postcolonial project in Egypt was a contradictory one; it gave life to anticolonial hopes – for instance by breaking away from European capitalism and embracing anticolonial geopolitics – while crushing many parts of the left through repression, censorship and imprisonment. Traces of Nasser found today inscribe both anticolonial promises – those that came to life and those that did not – while reproducing postcolonial power that in most instances ended in dictatorship.  Recent efforts to complete the route build on those of the post‑independence era – work on a section north of Nairobi started in 1968 Credit: Associated Press / Alamy The Trans‑African Highway network was conceived in 1970 in the spirit of Pan‑Africanism At that time, the routes did not extend into South Africa, which was in the grip of apartheid. The Trans‑African Highway initiative was motivated by a desire to improve trade and centre cultural links across the continent – an ambition that was even celebrated on postage stamps There have been long‑standing debates about the erasure of the radical anticolonial spirit from the more conservative postcolonial states that emerged; the promises and hopes of anticolonialism, not least among them socialism and a world free of white supremacy, remain largely unrealised. Instead, by the 1970s neoliberalism emerged as a new hegemonic project. The contemporary instantiation of Cape to Cairo highlights just how pervasive neoliberal logics continue to be, despite multiple global financial crises and the 2011 Egyptian revolution demanding ‘bread, freedom, social justice’.  But the network of streets named after anticolonial figures and events across the world is testament to the immense power and promise of anticolonial revolution. Most of the 20th century was characterised by anticolonial struggle, decolonisation and postcolonial nation‑building, as nations across the global south gained independence from European empire and founded their own political projects. Anticolonial traces, present in street and place names, point to the possibility of solidarity as a means of reorienting colonial geographies. They are a reminder that there have been other imaginings of Cape to Cairo, and that things can be – and have been – otherwise. 2025-06-13 Kristina Rapacki Share
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment

    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro.Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22.

    If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster.
    Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral.
    Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet.

    At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas. Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites.
    Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement.
    I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two studentsstill in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa.

    Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent: this extraordinary revivalthe rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own.
    And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses ofstate or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research.
    There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms. 

    We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover.
    Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint.
    #excerpt #new #book #sérgio #ferro
    An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment
    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro.Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22. If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster. Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral. Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet. At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas. Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites. Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement. I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two studentsstill in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa. Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent: this extraordinary revivalthe rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own. And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses ofstate or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research. There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms.  We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover. Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint. #excerpt #new #book #sérgio #ferro
    An excerpt from a new book by Sérgio Ferro, published by MACK Books, showcases the architect’s moment of disenchantment
    Last year, MACK Books published Architecture from Below, which anthologized writings by the French Brazilian architect, theorist, and painter Sérgio Ferro. (Douglas Spencer reviewed it for AN.) Now, MACK follows with Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays, the second in the trilogy of books dedicated to Ferro’s scholarship. The following excerpt of the author’s 2023 preface to the English edition, which preserves its British phrasing, captures Ferro’s realization about the working conditions of construction sites in Brasília. The sentiment is likely relatable even today for young architects as they discover how drawings become buildings. Design and the Building Site and Complementary Essays will be released on May 22. If I remember correctly, it was in 1958 or 1959, when Rodrigo and I were second- or third year architecture students at FAUUSP, that my father, the real estate developer Armando Simone Pereira, commissioned us to design two large office buildings and eleven shops in Brasilia, which was then under construction. Of course, we were not adequately prepared for such an undertaking. Fortunately, Oscar Niemeyer and his team, who were responsible for overseeing the construction of the capital, had drawn up a detailed document determining the essential characteristics of all the private sector buildings. We followed these prescriptions to the letter, which saved us from disaster. Nowadays, it is hard to imagine the degree to which the construction of Brasilia inspired enthusiasm and professional pride in the country’s architects. And in the national imagination, the city’s establishment in the supposedly unpopulated hinterland evoked a re-founding of Brazil. Up until that point, the occupation of our immense territory had been reduced to a collection of arborescent communication routes, generally converging upon some river, following it up to the Atlantic Ocean. Through its ports, agricultural or extractive commodities produced by enslaved peoples or their substitutes passed towards the metropolises; goods were exchanged in the metropolises for more elaborate products, which took the opposite route. Our national identity was summed up in a few symbols, such as the anthem or the flag, and this scattering of paths pointing overseas. Brasilia would radically change this situation, or so we believed. It would create a central hub where the internal communication routes could converge, linking together hithertoseparate junctions, stimulating trade and economic progress in the country’s interior. It was as if, for the first time, we were taking care of ourselves. At the nucleus of this centripetal movement, architecture would embody the renaissance. And at the naval of the nucleus, the symbolic mandala of this utopia: the cathedral. Rodrigo and I got caught up in the euphoria. And perhaps more so than our colleagues, because we were taking part in the adventure with ‘our’ designs. The reality was very different — but we did not know that yet. At that time, architects in Brazil were responsible for verifying that the construction was in line with the design. We had already monitored some of our first building sites. But the construction company in charge of them, Osmar Souza e Silva’s CENPLA, specialized in the building sites of modernist architects from the so-called Escola Paulista led by Vilanova Artigas (which we aspired to be a part of, like the pretentious students we were). Osmar was very attentive to his clients and his workers, who formed a supportive and helpful team. He was even more careful with us, because he knew how inexperienced we were. I believe that the CENPLA was particularly important in São Paulo modernism: with its congeniality, it facilitated experimentation, but for the same reason, it deceived novices like us about the reality of other building sites. Consequently, Rodrigo and I travelled to Brasilia several times to check that the constructions followed ‘our’ designs and to resolve any issues. From the very first trip, our little bubble burst. Our building sites, like all the others in the future capital, bore no relation to Osmar’s. They were more like a branch of hell. A huge, muddy wasteland, in which a few cranes, pile drivers, tractors, and excavators dotted the mound of scaffolding occupied by thousands of skinny, seemingly exhausted wretches, who were nevertheless driven on by the shouts of master builders and foremen, in turn pressured by the imminence of the fateful inauguration date. Surrounding or huddled underneath the marquees of buildings under construction, entire families, equally skeletal and ragged, were waiting for some accident or death to open up a vacancy. In contact only with the master builders, and under close surveillance so we would not speak to the workers, we were not allowed to see what comrades who had worked on these sites later told us in prison: suicide abounded; escape was known to be futile in the unpopulated surroundings with no viable roads; fatal accidents were often caused by weakness due to chronic diarrhoea, brought on by rotten food that came from far away; outright theft took place in the calculation of wages and expenses in the contractor’s grocery store; camps were surrounded by law enforcement. I repeat this anecdote yet again not to invoke the benevolence of potential readers, but rather to point out the conditions that, in my opinion, allowed two students (Flávio Império joined us a little later) still in their professional infancy to quickly adopt positions that were contrary to the usual stance of architects. As the project was more Oscar Niemeyer’s than it was our own, we did not have the same emotional attachment that is understandably engendered between real authors and their designs. We had not yet been imbued with the charm and aura of the métier. And the only building sites we had visited thus far, Osmar’s, were incomparable to those we discovered in Brasilia. In short, our youthfulness and unpreparedness up against an unbearable situation made us react almost immediately to the profession’s satisfied doxa. Unprepared and young perhaps, but already with Marx by our side. Rodrigo and I joined the student cell of the Brazilian Communist Party during our first year at university. In itself, this did not help us much: the Party’s Marxism, revised in the interests of the USSR, was pitiful. Even high-level leaders rarely went beyond the first chapter of Capital. But at the end of the 1950s, the effervescence of the years to come was already nascent:  […] this extraordinary revival […] the rediscovery of Marxism and the great dialectical texts and traditions in the 1960s: an excitement that identifies a forgotten or repressed moment of the past as the new and subversive, and learns the dialectical grammar of a Hegel or an Adorno, a Marx or a Lukács, like a foreign language that has resources unavailable in our own. And what is more: the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, the war in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare of all kinds, national liberation movements, and a rare libertarian disposition in contemporary history, totally averse to fanaticism and respect for ideological apparatuses of (any) state or institution. Going against the grain was almost the norm. We were of course no more than contemporaries of our time. We were soon able to position ourselves from chapters 13, 14, and 15 of Capital, but only because we could constantly cross-reference Marx with our observations from well-contrasted building sites and do our own experimenting. As soon as we identified construction as manufacture, for example, thanks to the willingness and even encouragement of two friends and clients, Boris Fausto and Bernardo Issler, I was able to test both types of manufacture — organic and heterogeneous — on similar-sized projects taking place simultaneously, in order to find out which would be most convenient for the situation in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo. Despite the scientific shortcomings of these tests, they sufficed for us to select organic manufacture. Arquitetura Nova had defined its line of practice, studies, and research. There were other sources that were central to our theory and practice. Flávio Império was one of the founders of the Teatro de Arena, undoubtedly the vanguard of popular, militant theatre in Brazil. He won practically every set design award. He brought us his marvelous findings in spatial condensation and malleability, and in the creative diversion of techniques and material—appropriate devices for an underdeveloped country. This is what helped us pave the way to reformulating the reigning design paradigms.  We had to do what Flávio had done in the theatre: thoroughly rethink how to be an architect. Upend the perspective. The way we were taught was to start from a desired result; then others would take care of getting there, no matter how. We, on the other hand, set out to go down to the building site and accompany those carrying out the labor itself, those who actually build, the formally subsumed workers in manufacture who are increasingly deprived of the knowledge and know-how presupposed by this kind of subsumption. We should have been fostering the reconstitution of this knowledge and know-how—not so as to fulfil this assumption, but in order to reinvigorate the other side of this assumption according to Marx: the historical rebellion of the manufacture worker, especially the construction worker. We had to rekindle the demand that fueled this rebellion: total self-determination, and not just that of the manual operation as such. Our aim was above all political and ethical. Aesthetics only mattered by way of what it included—ethics. Instead of estética, we wrote est ética [this is ethics]. We wanted to make building sites into nests for the return of revolutionary syndicalism, which we ourselves had yet to discover. Sérgio Ferro, born in Brazil in 1938, studied architecture at FAUUSP, São Paulo. In the 1960s, he joined the Brazilian communist party and started, along with Rodrigo Lefevre and Flávio Império, the collective known as Arquitetura Nova. After being arrested by the military dictatorship that took power in Brazil in 1964, he moved to France as an exile. As a painter and a professor at the École Nationale Supérieure d’Architecture de Grenoble, where he founded the Dessin/Chantier laboratory, he engaged in extensive research which resulted in several publications, exhibitions, and awards in Brazil and in France, including the title of Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres in 1992. Following his retirement from teaching, Ferro continues to research, write, and paint.
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • Do these nine things to protect yourself against hackers and scammers

    Scammers are using AI tools to create increasingly convincing ways to trick victims into sending money, and to access the personal information needed to commit identity theft. Deepfakes mean they can impersonate the voice of a friend or family member, and even fake a video call with them!
    The result can be criminals taking out thousands of dollars worth of loans or credit card debt in your name. Fortunately there are steps you can take to protect yourself against even the most sophisticated scams. Here are the security and privacy checks to run to ensure you are safe …

    9to5Mac is brought to by Incogni: Protect your personal info from prying eyes. With Incogni, you can scrub your deeply sensitive information from data brokers across the web, including people search sites. Incogni limits your phone number, address, email, SSN, and more from circulating. Fight back against unwanted data brokers with a 30-day money back guarantee.

    Use a password manager
    At one time, the advice might have read “use strong, unique passwords for each website and app you use” – but these days we all use so many that this is only possible if we use a password manager.
    This is a super-easy step to take, thanks to the Passwords app on Apple devices. Each time you register for a new service, use the Passwords appto set and store the password.
    Replace older passwords
    You probably created some accounts back in the days when password rules were much less strict, meaning you now have some weak passwords that are vulnerable to attack. If you’ve been online since before the days of password managers, you probably even some passwords you’ve used on more than one website. This is a huge risk, as it means your security is only as good as the least-secure website you use.
    What happens is attackers break into a poorly-secured website, grab all the logins, then they use automated software to try those same logins on hundreds of different websites. If you’ve re-used a password, they now have access to your accounts on all the sites where you used it.
    Use the password change feature to update your older passwords, starting with the most important ones – the ones that would put you most at risk if your account where compromised. As an absolute minimum, ensure you have strong, unique passwords for all financial services, as well as other critical ones like Apple, Google, and Amazon accounts.
    Make sure you include any accounts which have already been compromised! You can identify these by putting your email address into Have I Been Pwned.
    Use passkeys where possible
    Passwords are gradually being replaced by passkeys. While the difference might seem small in terms of how you login, there’s a huge difference in the security they provide.
    With a passkey, a website or app doesn’t ask for a password, it instead asks your device to verify your identity. Your device uses Face ID or Touch ID to do so, then confirms that you are who you claim to be. Crucially, it doesn’t send a password back to the service, so there’s no way for this to be hacked – all the service sees is confirmation that you successfully passed biometric authentication on your device.
    Use two-factor authentication
    A growing number of accounts allow you to use two-factor authentication. This means that even if an attacker got your login details, they still wouldn’t be able to access your account.
    2FA works by demanding a rolling code whenever you login. These can be sent by text message, but we strongly advise against this, as it leaves you vulnerable to SIM-swap attacks, which are becoming increasingly common. In particular, never use text-based 2FA for financial services accounts.
    Instead, select the option to use an authenticator app. A QR code will be displayed which you scan in the app, adding that service to your device. Next time you login, you just open the app to see a 6-digit rolling code which you’ll need to enter to login. This feature is built into the Passwords app, or you can use a separate one like Google Authenticator.
    Check last-login details
    Some services, like banking apps, will display the date and time of your last successful login. Get into the habit of checking this each time you login, as it can provide a warning that your account has been compromised.
    Use a VPN service for public Wi-Fi hotspots
    Anytime you use a public Wi-Fi hotspot, you are at risk from what’s known as a Man-in-the-Middleattack. This is where someone uses a small device which uses the same name as a public Wi-Fi hotspot so that people connect to it. Once you do, they can monitor your internet traffic.
    Almost all modern websites use HTTPS, which provides an encrypted connection that makes MitM attacks less dangerous than they used to be. All the same, the exploit can expose you to a number of security and privacy risks, so using a VPN is still highly advisable. Always choose a respected VPN company, ideally one which keeps no logs and subjects itself to independent audits. I use NordVPN for this reason.
    Don’t disclose personal info to AI chatbots
    AI chatbots typically use their conversations with users as training material, meaning anything you say or type could end up in their database, and could potentially be regurgitated when answering another user’s question. Never reveal any personal information you wouldn’t want on the internet.
    Consider data removal
    It’s likely that much of your personal information has already been collected by data brokers. Your email address and phone number can be used for spam, which is annoying enough, but they can also be used by scammers. For this reason, you might want to scrub your data from as many broker services as possible. You can do this yourself, or use a service like Incogni to do it for you.
    Triple-check requests for money
    Finally, if anyone asks you to send them money, be immediately on the alert. Even if seems to be a friend, family member, or your boss, never take it on trust. Always contact them via a different, known communication channel. If they emailed you, phone them. If they phoned you, message or email them. Some people go as far as agreeing codewords with family members to use if they ever really do need emergency help.
    If anyone asks you to buy gift cards and send the numbers to them, it’s a scam 100% of the time. Requests to use money transfer services are also generally scams unless it’s something you arranged in advance.
    Even if you are expecting to send someone money, be alert for claims that they have changed their bank account. This is almost always a scam. Again, contact them via a different, known comms channel.
    Photo by Christina @ wocintechchat.com on Unsplash

    Add 9to5Mac to your Google News feed. 

    FTC: We use income earning auto affiliate links. More.You’re reading 9to5Mac — experts who break news about Apple and its surrounding ecosystem, day after day. Be sure to check out our homepage for all the latest news, and follow 9to5Mac on Twitter, Facebook, and LinkedIn to stay in the loop. Don’t know where to start? Check out our exclusive stories, reviews, how-tos, and subscribe to our YouTube channel
    #these #nine #things #protect #yourself
    Do these nine things to protect yourself against hackers and scammers
    Scammers are using AI tools to create increasingly convincing ways to trick victims into sending money, and to access the personal information needed to commit identity theft. Deepfakes mean they can impersonate the voice of a friend or family member, and even fake a video call with them! The result can be criminals taking out thousands of dollars worth of loans or credit card debt in your name. Fortunately there are steps you can take to protect yourself against even the most sophisticated scams. Here are the security and privacy checks to run to ensure you are safe … 9to5Mac is brought to by Incogni: Protect your personal info from prying eyes. With Incogni, you can scrub your deeply sensitive information from data brokers across the web, including people search sites. Incogni limits your phone number, address, email, SSN, and more from circulating. Fight back against unwanted data brokers with a 30-day money back guarantee. Use a password manager At one time, the advice might have read “use strong, unique passwords for each website and app you use” – but these days we all use so many that this is only possible if we use a password manager. This is a super-easy step to take, thanks to the Passwords app on Apple devices. Each time you register for a new service, use the Passwords appto set and store the password. Replace older passwords You probably created some accounts back in the days when password rules were much less strict, meaning you now have some weak passwords that are vulnerable to attack. If you’ve been online since before the days of password managers, you probably even some passwords you’ve used on more than one website. This is a huge risk, as it means your security is only as good as the least-secure website you use. What happens is attackers break into a poorly-secured website, grab all the logins, then they use automated software to try those same logins on hundreds of different websites. If you’ve re-used a password, they now have access to your accounts on all the sites where you used it. Use the password change feature to update your older passwords, starting with the most important ones – the ones that would put you most at risk if your account where compromised. As an absolute minimum, ensure you have strong, unique passwords for all financial services, as well as other critical ones like Apple, Google, and Amazon accounts. Make sure you include any accounts which have already been compromised! You can identify these by putting your email address into Have I Been Pwned. Use passkeys where possible Passwords are gradually being replaced by passkeys. While the difference might seem small in terms of how you login, there’s a huge difference in the security they provide. With a passkey, a website or app doesn’t ask for a password, it instead asks your device to verify your identity. Your device uses Face ID or Touch ID to do so, then confirms that you are who you claim to be. Crucially, it doesn’t send a password back to the service, so there’s no way for this to be hacked – all the service sees is confirmation that you successfully passed biometric authentication on your device. Use two-factor authentication A growing number of accounts allow you to use two-factor authentication. This means that even if an attacker got your login details, they still wouldn’t be able to access your account. 2FA works by demanding a rolling code whenever you login. These can be sent by text message, but we strongly advise against this, as it leaves you vulnerable to SIM-swap attacks, which are becoming increasingly common. In particular, never use text-based 2FA for financial services accounts. Instead, select the option to use an authenticator app. A QR code will be displayed which you scan in the app, adding that service to your device. Next time you login, you just open the app to see a 6-digit rolling code which you’ll need to enter to login. This feature is built into the Passwords app, or you can use a separate one like Google Authenticator. Check last-login details Some services, like banking apps, will display the date and time of your last successful login. Get into the habit of checking this each time you login, as it can provide a warning that your account has been compromised. Use a VPN service for public Wi-Fi hotspots Anytime you use a public Wi-Fi hotspot, you are at risk from what’s known as a Man-in-the-Middleattack. This is where someone uses a small device which uses the same name as a public Wi-Fi hotspot so that people connect to it. Once you do, they can monitor your internet traffic. Almost all modern websites use HTTPS, which provides an encrypted connection that makes MitM attacks less dangerous than they used to be. All the same, the exploit can expose you to a number of security and privacy risks, so using a VPN is still highly advisable. Always choose a respected VPN company, ideally one which keeps no logs and subjects itself to independent audits. I use NordVPN for this reason. Don’t disclose personal info to AI chatbots AI chatbots typically use their conversations with users as training material, meaning anything you say or type could end up in their database, and could potentially be regurgitated when answering another user’s question. Never reveal any personal information you wouldn’t want on the internet. Consider data removal It’s likely that much of your personal information has already been collected by data brokers. Your email address and phone number can be used for spam, which is annoying enough, but they can also be used by scammers. For this reason, you might want to scrub your data from as many broker services as possible. You can do this yourself, or use a service like Incogni to do it for you. Triple-check requests for money Finally, if anyone asks you to send them money, be immediately on the alert. Even if seems to be a friend, family member, or your boss, never take it on trust. Always contact them via a different, known communication channel. If they emailed you, phone them. If they phoned you, message or email them. Some people go as far as agreeing codewords with family members to use if they ever really do need emergency help. If anyone asks you to buy gift cards and send the numbers to them, it’s a scam 100% of the time. Requests to use money transfer services are also generally scams unless it’s something you arranged in advance. Even if you are expecting to send someone money, be alert for claims that they have changed their bank account. This is almost always a scam. Again, contact them via a different, known comms channel. Photo by Christina @ wocintechchat.com on Unsplash Add 9to5Mac to your Google News feed.  FTC: We use income earning auto affiliate links. More.You’re reading 9to5Mac — experts who break news about Apple and its surrounding ecosystem, day after day. Be sure to check out our homepage for all the latest news, and follow 9to5Mac on Twitter, Facebook, and LinkedIn to stay in the loop. Don’t know where to start? Check out our exclusive stories, reviews, how-tos, and subscribe to our YouTube channel #these #nine #things #protect #yourself
    9TO5MAC.COM
    Do these nine things to protect yourself against hackers and scammers
    Scammers are using AI tools to create increasingly convincing ways to trick victims into sending money, and to access the personal information needed to commit identity theft. Deepfakes mean they can impersonate the voice of a friend or family member, and even fake a video call with them! The result can be criminals taking out thousands of dollars worth of loans or credit card debt in your name. Fortunately there are steps you can take to protect yourself against even the most sophisticated scams. Here are the security and privacy checks to run to ensure you are safe … 9to5Mac is brought to by Incogni: Protect your personal info from prying eyes. With Incogni, you can scrub your deeply sensitive information from data brokers across the web, including people search sites. Incogni limits your phone number, address, email, SSN, and more from circulating. Fight back against unwanted data brokers with a 30-day money back guarantee. Use a password manager At one time, the advice might have read “use strong, unique passwords for each website and app you use” – but these days we all use so many that this is only possible if we use a password manager. This is a super-easy step to take, thanks to the Passwords app on Apple devices. Each time you register for a new service, use the Passwords app (or your own preferred password manager) to set and store the password. Replace older passwords You probably created some accounts back in the days when password rules were much less strict, meaning you now have some weak passwords that are vulnerable to attack. If you’ve been online since before the days of password managers, you probably even some passwords you’ve used on more than one website. This is a huge risk, as it means your security is only as good as the least-secure website you use. What happens is attackers break into a poorly-secured website, grab all the logins, then they use automated software to try those same logins on hundreds of different websites. If you’ve re-used a password, they now have access to your accounts on all the sites where you used it. Use the password change feature to update your older passwords, starting with the most important ones – the ones that would put you most at risk if your account where compromised. As an absolute minimum, ensure you have strong, unique passwords for all financial services, as well as other critical ones like Apple, Google, and Amazon accounts. Make sure you include any accounts which have already been compromised! You can identify these by putting your email address into Have I Been Pwned. Use passkeys where possible Passwords are gradually being replaced by passkeys. While the difference might seem small in terms of how you login, there’s a huge difference in the security they provide. With a passkey, a website or app doesn’t ask for a password, it instead asks your device to verify your identity. Your device uses Face ID or Touch ID to do so, then confirms that you are who you claim to be. Crucially, it doesn’t send a password back to the service, so there’s no way for this to be hacked – all the service sees is confirmation that you successfully passed biometric authentication on your device. Use two-factor authentication A growing number of accounts allow you to use two-factor authentication (2FA). This means that even if an attacker got your login details, they still wouldn’t be able to access your account. 2FA works by demanding a rolling code whenever you login. These can be sent by text message, but we strongly advise against this, as it leaves you vulnerable to SIM-swap attacks, which are becoming increasingly common. In particular, never use text-based 2FA for financial services accounts. Instead, select the option to use an authenticator app. A QR code will be displayed which you scan in the app, adding that service to your device. Next time you login, you just open the app to see a 6-digit rolling code which you’ll need to enter to login. This feature is built into the Passwords app, or you can use a separate one like Google Authenticator. Check last-login details Some services, like banking apps, will display the date and time of your last successful login. Get into the habit of checking this each time you login, as it can provide a warning that your account has been compromised. Use a VPN service for public Wi-Fi hotspots Anytime you use a public Wi-Fi hotspot, you are at risk from what’s known as a Man-in-the-Middle (MitM) attack. This is where someone uses a small device which uses the same name as a public Wi-Fi hotspot so that people connect to it. Once you do, they can monitor your internet traffic. Almost all modern websites use HTTPS, which provides an encrypted connection that makes MitM attacks less dangerous than they used to be. All the same, the exploit can expose you to a number of security and privacy risks, so using a VPN is still highly advisable. Always choose a respected VPN company, ideally one which keeps no logs and subjects itself to independent audits. I use NordVPN for this reason. Don’t disclose personal info to AI chatbots AI chatbots typically use their conversations with users as training material, meaning anything you say or type could end up in their database, and could potentially be regurgitated when answering another user’s question. Never reveal any personal information you wouldn’t want on the internet. Consider data removal It’s likely that much of your personal information has already been collected by data brokers. Your email address and phone number can be used for spam, which is annoying enough, but they can also be used by scammers. For this reason, you might want to scrub your data from as many broker services as possible. You can do this yourself, or use a service like Incogni to do it for you. Triple-check requests for money Finally, if anyone asks you to send them money, be immediately on the alert. Even if seems to be a friend, family member, or your boss, never take it on trust. Always contact them via a different, known communication channel. If they emailed you, phone them. If they phoned you, message or email them. Some people go as far as agreeing codewords with family members to use if they ever really do need emergency help. If anyone asks you to buy gift cards and send the numbers to them, it’s a scam 100% of the time. Requests to use money transfer services are also generally scams unless it’s something you arranged in advance. Even if you are expecting to send someone money, be alert for claims that they have changed their bank account. This is almost always a scam. Again, contact them via a different, known comms channel. Photo by Christina @ wocintechchat.com on Unsplash Add 9to5Mac to your Google News feed.  FTC: We use income earning auto affiliate links. More.You’re reading 9to5Mac — experts who break news about Apple and its surrounding ecosystem, day after day. Be sure to check out our homepage for all the latest news, and follow 9to5Mac on Twitter, Facebook, and LinkedIn to stay in the loop. Don’t know where to start? Check out our exclusive stories, reviews, how-tos, and subscribe to our YouTube channel
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • No Kings: protests in the eye of the storm

    As President Donald Trump kicked off a birthday military parade on the streets of Washington, DC, what’s estimated as roughly 2,000 events were held across the US and beyond — protesting Trump and Elon Musk’s evisceration of government services, an unprecedented crackdown by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and countless other actions from the administration in its first five months. Held under the title “No Kings”, they’re the latest in several mass protests, following April’s Hands Off events and a wave of Tesla Takedown demonstrations in March.As The Verge’s Tina Nguyen went to downtown DC, we also sent reporters to No Kings demonstrations spanning the country, plus a “No Tyrants” event in the UK. How would they unfold after promises of “very heavy force” against protesters in the capital, after the deployment of thousands of military troops in a move a judge has bluntly called illegal, and after promises to “liberate” the city of Los Angeles from its “burdensome leadership” by local elected officials? What about the overnight killing of a Minnesota Democratic state representative and her husband, and the shooting of a Democratic state senator and his wife?The answer, at the events we attended, was fairly calmly — even against a backdrop of chaos.Downtown Los Angeles, CaliforniaAn inflatable baby Donald Trump, dressed in a diaper, hovered over throngs of people rallying outside of Los Angeles City Hall. Demonstrators outnumbered clumps of California National Guard members in fatigues posted up along sidewalks. “Go home to your families, we don’t need you in our streets,” one young person wearing a long braid down her back tells them while marching past. “Trump come catch these hands foo!” the back of her sign reads. I can’t see what the front says, but I can tell there’s an empty bag of Cheetos pasted to it.The big baby joins the march, floating through the streets of Downtown LA over demonstrators. A flatbed truck rolls ahead of it, the band — maybe LA’s own Ozomatli? — singing “We don’t like Trump” to the tune of “We Want The Funk.” Ducking inside Grand Central Market from the march, I talk to Puck and Twinkle Toes — two demonstrators in line for the public restrooms. Twinkle Toes tells me she’s part of an activist clown collective called Imp and Circumstance, wearing pink and white clown makeup and a striped pink and white bow wrapped around a loose hair bun atop her head. She’s here exercising her right to free speech, she says. Demonstrators in Los Angeles marched alongside an inflatable Donald Trump baby dressed in a diaper.“The more people that are out here, the more we know that this is not okay. That we don’t want an autocrat. We want democracy,” Puck tells me, adding that the Pride March in Hollywood last weekend was “nothing but love and sunshine” despite protests and burning driverless cars making headlines in downtown. “The news tries to make you think all of LA is rioting. It’s not.” Puck says.Back out on the streets, a young man quickly writes “Fuck ICE” on a black wall with white spray paint before a group of older demonstrators wearing floppy hats shushes him away — warning him that tagging will only attract more law enforcement.Further along, another older man with tufts of white hair sticking out under his Lakers cap walks stiffly and slowly along under the summer sun. A Mexican flag draped across his shoulders, he crosses Hope Street. A young man wearing a Nike cap makes his way over to ask if he wants water; the old man accepts a bottle and keeps walking without stopping. The march has looped around downtown, and is coming to an end back at City Hall. As I make my way to my bus stop, a line of police vehicles — sirens blasting — whizzes past me, back toward the crowd still gathering around City Hall.The Los Angeles Police Department issued a dispersal order for parts of downtown Los Angeles later in the afternoon, citing people “throwing rocks, bricks, bottles and other objects.” Law enforcement reportedly cleared crowds using gas, and the LAPD authorized the use of “less lethal” force.— Justine CalmaPortland, OregonFour different “No Kings” protests in the greater Portland area on Saturday drew massive crowds of tens of thousands across the city. Various activists, government officials, and representatives for politicians spoke at the rallies, which also featured music and live performances.Protesters of all ages came with dogs, strollers, flags, banners, and hand-made signs. At the downtown waterfront, some tourist boats appeared to still be departing, but the bike rental standwas closed for the day with a hand-lettered explanation reading “No crowns, no thrones, no kings” and “Americans against oligarchy.” Women appearing to be organizers passed out free American flags; many attendees came with their own American flags modified to fly upside down. Most protesters brought signs expressing a wide range of sentiments on the theme of “No Kings.” Some signs were surprisingly verbosewe’d all still be British”) while others were more succinct. Others opted for simple images, such as a picture of a crown crossed out, or — less frequently — a guillotine. Image: Sarah JeongThe waterfront park area was filled with people from the shoreline to the curb of the nearest street, where protesters held up signs to passing cars that honked in approval. The honking of a passing fire truck sent the crowd into an uproarious cheer. Portland is about a thousand miles from the border with Mexico, but the flag of its distant neighbor nation has emerged as protest iconography in solidarity with Los Angeles. The rainbow pride flag was flown as often as the Mexican flag. Military veterans were scattered throughout the crowd, some identifying themselves as having seen action in conflicts spanning from Vietnam to Afghanistan. Emanuel, an Air Force veteran, told me that he had turned out in defense of the constitution and due process, saying, “Nobody has any rights if one person doesn’t have any rights.” Image: Sarah JeongAnger was directed at ICE and the mass deportations all throughout the day, in signage, in chants, and in rally speeches. The previous night, about 150 people protested at a local ICE facility — coincidentally located by the Tesla dealership — a mile south of downtown, near a highway exit. The ICE facility protests, which have been continuous for some days, have been steadily building up. A couple of “No Kings” signs were present on Friday.. Demonstrators stood on the curb urging passing cars to “Honk if you hate fascists,” successfully eliciting car horns every few seconds, including some from a pristine white Tesla. Federal law enforcement in camo and helmets, their faces obscured, maced and shot at protesters with pepper balls, targeting them through the gates and sniping at them from the rooftop of the building. A handful of protesters — many wearing gas masks and respirators — formed phalanx formations in the driveway, wielding umbrellas and handmade shields. On Saturday, a speaker at one of the “No Kings” rallies advertised the occupation of the ICE facility, saying, “We’re a sanctuary city.” The crowd — replete with American flags both upside down and right side up — cheered. — Sarah JeongNew Port Richey, FloridaNearly every intersection on Pasco County’s State Road 54 looks the same: a cross-section of strip malls, each anchored by a Walmart or Target or Publix, surrounded by a mix of restaurants, nail salons, and gas stations. It’s not an environment that is particularly conducive to protests, but hundreds of people turned out in humid, 90-plus degree weather anyway. The overall size of the crowd is hard to determine, but it’s larger than I — and other attendees — anticipated, given the local demographics.New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleEveryone is on the sidewalk; an organizer with a megaphone tells people to use crosswalks if they’re going to attempt to brave the six-lane highway. Two days earlier, Governor Ron DeSantis said Floridians could legally run over protesters on the street if they feel “threatened.” New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleSo far, most drivers seem friendly. There are lots of supportive honks. One woman rolls down her window and thanks the protesters. “I love you! I wish I could be with you, but I have to work today!” she yells as she drives away. Not everyone is amenable. A man in a MAGA hat marches through the crowd waving a “thin green line” flag and yelling “long live the king!” as people in the crowd call him a traitor. A pickup truck drives by blasting “Ice Ice Baby,” waving another pro-law enforcement flag. The protesters have flags, too: American flags large and small, some upside down; Mexican; Ukrainian; Palestinian; Canadian; different configurations of pride and trans flags. Their signs, like their flags, illustrate their diverse reasons for attending: opposition to Trump’s “big beautiful” funding bill, DOGE’s budget cuts, and ICE arrests; support for immigrants, government workers, and Palestinians. One woman wears an inflatable chicken suit. Her friend pulls an effigy of Trump — dressed to look both like an eighteenth-century monarch, a taco, and a chicken — alongside her.New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleMost of the demonstrators are on the older side, but there are people of all ages in attendance. “I thought it was going to be maybe 20 people with a couple of signs,” Abby, 24, says, adding that she’s pleasantly surprised at both the turnout and the fact that most of the protesters are of retirement age. Abe, 20, tells me this is his first protest. Holding a sign that says “ICE = GESTAPO,” he tells me he came out to support a friend who is Mexican. Three teenagers walk by with signs expressing support for immigrants: “While Trump destroys America, we built it.” “Trump: 3 felonies. My parents: 0.” As I drive away, I notice nine counter-protesters off to the side, around the corner from the main event. They wave their own flags, but the demonstrators seemingly pay them no mind.— Gaby Del ValleHistoric Filipinotown, Los AngelesWearing a camo baseball cap — “Desert Storm Veteran” emblazoned on the front — Joe Arciaga greets a crowd of about 100 people in Los Angeles’ Historic Filipinotown around 9:00AM.“Good morning everyone, are you ready for some beautiful trouble?” Arciaga says into the megaphone, an American flag bandana wrapped around his wrist. The faces of Filipino labor leaders Philip Vera Cruz and Larry Itliong, who organized farm workers alongside Cesar Chavez, peer over his shoulders from a mural that lines the length of Unidad Park where Arciaga and a group called Lakas Collective helped organize this neighborhood No Kings rally. “I’m a Desert Storm veteran, and I’m a father of three and a grandfather of three, and I want to work for a future where democracy is upheld, due process, civil rights, the preservation of the rule of law — That’s all I want. I’m not a billionaire, I’m just a regular Joe, right?”, he tells The Verge.Joe Arciaga speaks to people at a rally in Historic Filipinotown, Los Angeles. Image: Justine Calma“I am mad as hell,” he says, when I ask him about the Army 250th anniversary parade Donald Trump has organized in Washington, DC coinciding with the president’s birthday. “The guy does not deserve to be honored, he’s a draft dodger, right?” Arciaga says. He’s “livid” that the President and DOGE have fired veterans working for federal agencies and slashed VA staff.Arciaga organizes the crowd into two lines that file out of the park to stand along Beverly Blvd., one of the main drags through LA. Arciaga has deputized a handful of attendees with security or medical experience with whistles to serve as “marshals” tasked with flagging and de-escalating any potentially risky situation that might arise. Johneric Concordia, one of the co-founders of the popular The Park’s Finest barbecue joint in the neighborhood, is MCing out on Beverly Blvd. He and Arciaga direct people onto the sidewalks and off the asphalt as honking cars zip by. In between chants of “No hate! No fear! Immigrants are welcome here!” and rap songs from LA artist Bambu that Concordia plays from a speaker, Concordia hypes up the organizers. “Who’s cool? Joe’s cool?” He spits into the microphone connected to his speaker. “Who’s streets? Our streets!” the crowd cheers. An hour later, a man sitting at a red light in a black Prius rolls down his window. “Go home!” he yells from the intersection. “Take your Mexican flag and go home!”The crowd mostly ignores him. One attendee on the corner holds up his “No Kings” sign to the Prius without turning his head to look at him. A few minutes later, a jogger in a blue t-shirt raises his fist as he passes the crowd. “Fuck yeah guys,” he says to cheers.By 10AM, the neighborhood event is coming to a close. Demonstrators start to trickle away, some fanning out to other rallies planned across LA today. Concordia is heading out too, microphone and speaker still in hand, “If you’re headed to downtown, watch out for suspicious crew cuts!” — Justine CalmaSan Francisco, California1/10Most of the crowd trickled out after 2pm, which was the scheduled end time of the protest, but hundreds stayed in the area. Image: Vjeran PavicLondon, UKLondon’s protest was a little different than most: it was almost entirely bereft of “No Kings” signs, thanks to the fact that about two miles away much larger crowds were gathered to celebrate the official birthday of one King Charles III. “We don’t have anything against King Charles,” Alyssa, a member of organizers Indivisible London, told me. And so, “out of respect for our host country as immigrants,” they instead set up shop in front of the US embassy with a tweaked message: “No kings, no crowns” became “no tyrants, no clowns.” London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonOf the hundreds gathered, not everyone got the memo, with a few painted signs decrying kings and crowns regardless, and one brave Brit brandishing a bit of cardboard with a simple message: “Our king is better than yours!”London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonStill, most of the crowd were on board, with red noses, clown suits, and Pennywise masks dotted throughout, plus costumes ranging from tacos to Roman emperors. “I think tyrants is the better word, and that’s why I dressed up as Caesar, because he was the original,” says Anna, a Long Island native who’s lived in London for three years. “Nobody likes a tyrant. Nobody. And they don’t do well, historically, but they destroy a lot.”For 90 minutes or so the crowd — predominantly American, judging by the accents around me — leaned into the circus theme. Speakers shared the stage with performers, from a comic singalong of anti-Trump protest songs to a protracted pantomime in which a woman in a banana costume exhorted the crowd to pelt a Donald Trump impersonator with fresh peels. London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonDuring a break in festivities, Alyssa told the crowd, “The most threatening sound to an oligarch is laughter.”— Dominic PrestonProspect Park, Brooklyn, New YorkThe No Kings protest at Brooklyn’s Grand Army Plaza was a calmer affair. Instead of gathering under the picturesque memorial arch, protesters were largely sequestered to a corner right outside Prospect Park, with some streets blocked off by police. The weekly farmers market was in full swing, meaning people cradling bundles of rhubarb were swerving in and out of protest signs that read things like, “Hating Donald Trump is Brat” and “Is it time to get out the pitch forks?” Like during the Hands Off protest in April, New York got rain on Saturday.Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe area where protesters were gathered made it difficult to count the crowd, but there were hundreds — perhaps a few thousand — people that streamed in and out. At one point, some protesters began marching down the street alongside Prospect Park, while others stayed at Grand Army Plaza to chant, cheer, and hold signs up at oncoming vehicles. With its proximity to the public library, the park, and densely populated neighborhoods, the massive intersection is a high-foot traffic area. Cars blared their horns as they passed, American flags waving in the chilly afternoon breeze.Jane, a Brooklyn resident who stood on the curb opposite the protesters, said she isn’t typically someone who comes out to actions like this: before the No Kings event, she had only ever been to one protest, the Women’s March.Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia Sato“I’m deeply concerned about our country,” Jane said, pausing as a long stream of trucks and cars honked continuously in support of the protesters in the background. “I think Trump is behaving as an authoritarian. We’ve seen in Russia, in Hungary, in Hong Kong, that the slide from freedom to not freedom is very fast and very quick if people do not make their voices heard,” Jane said. “I’m concerned that that’s what’s happening in the United States.” Jane also cited cuts to Medicaid and funding for academic research as well as tariffs as being “unacceptable.”Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe event was peaceful — there were lots of kids present — and people were in good spirits despite the rain. Protest signs ran the gamut from general anti-Trump slogansto New York City-specific causes like “Andrew Cuomo can’t read”. One sign read, “Fix your hearts or die,” an iconic line from the late director, David Lynch’s, Twin Peaks: The Return. And of course, amid nationwide immigration raids that have been escalated by the involvement of the federal government, ICE was top of mind: one sign simply read, “Melt ICE,” and another protester held a large “NO ICE IN NYC” sign. Though it was smaller and more contained than other events, the protest didn’t lack conviction: attendees of all ages stood in the cold rain, chanting and blowing into vuvuzela, banging the lids of pots and pans. At one point a man stood on the median on the street, leading the group in chants of “No justice, no peace.” Cars laid on the horn as they drove by.— Mia SatoAkron, OhioIt’s been raining pretty hard the last few days in Akron, OH, so much that I didn’t think there’d be a large turnout for our chapter of the No Kings protest. But I was emphatically proven wrong as the crowds I saw dwarfed the Tesla Takedown protests last month. Officially, the protest was to take place in front of the John F. Seiberling Federal Building on Main Street in Downtown Akron. But the concentration of people spilled over from that small space down Main Street and up Market Street. All told, though there were no official counts, I estimate somewhere between 500 to 900 people in this blue enclave in Northeast Ohio.The mood was exuberant, buoyed by supporters who honked their horns as they passed. The chorus of horns was nonstop, and when a sanitation truck honked as it went by, cheers got louder. The chants the crowds were singing took on a local flare. Ohio is the home of the Ohio State Buckeyes and anywhere you go, shout “O-H” and you’ll invariably get an “I-O” response. The crowds used that convention to make their own chant, “OH-IO, Donald Trump has got to go.”There was no police presence here and the crowd was very good at policing itself. Ostensibly out of concern for the incidents where people have rammed their cars into protestor crowds, the people here have taken up crossing guard duties, aiding folks who wish to cross Main or Market Streets. Toward the end of my time at the protest, I saw an older gentleman wearing Kent State gear and holding a sign that read, “Remember another time the National Guard was called in?” His sign featured a drawing of the famous photo from the event in which four Kent State students during a protest of the Vietnam War were killed by National Guard troops. I caught up with him to ask him some questions and he told me his name was Chuck Ayers, a professional cartoonist, and was present at the shooting. Akron, OH. Image: Ash Parrish“When I saw the National Guard in front of the federal building in LA,” he told me, “It was just another flashback.”He did not tell me this at the time, but Ayers is a nationally recognized cartoonist, noted for co-creating the comic strip Crankshaft. He’s lived in Ohio his entire life and of course, drew that sign himself. As he was telling me about how seeing news of the National Guard being deployed in LA, I could see him strain to hold back his emotions. He said it still hurts to see this 55 years later, but that he was heartened to see so many people standing here in community and solidarity. He also said that given his pain and trauma he almost didn’t come. When I asked why he showed up when it so obviously causes him pain he said simply, “Because I have to.”— Ash ParrishOneonta, New YorkOn a northward drive to Oneonta — population roughly 15,000, the largest city in New York’s mainly rural Otsego County — one of the most prominent landmarks is a sprawling barn splashed in huge, painted block letters with TRUMP 2024.It’s Trump country, but not uniformly Trumpy country, as evidenced by what I estimated as a hundreds-strong crowd gathered in a field just below Main Street that came together with a friendly county-fair atmosphere. Kids sat on their parents’ shoulders; American flags fluttered next to signs with slogans like SHADE NEVER MADE ANYONE LESS GAY, and attendees grumbled persistently about the event’s feeble sound system, set up on the bed of a pickup truck. It was the kind of conspicuously patriotic, far-from-urban protest that the Trump administration has all but insisted doesn’t exist.Image: Adi RobertsonBeyond a general condemnation of Trump, protest signs repped the same issues being denounced across the country. The wars in Gaza and Ukraine made an appearance, as did Elon Musk and Tesla. A couple of people called out funding cuts for organizations like NPR, one neatly lettered sign reminded us that WEATHER FORECASTING SAVES LIVES, another warned “Keep your nasty little hands off Social Security,” and a lot — unsurprisingly, given the past week’s events — attacked mass deportations and ICE. An attendee who identified himself as Bill, standing behind a placard that blocked most of him from sight, laid out his anger at the administration’s gutting of the Environmental Protection Agency. “I think if it was not for protests, there would be no change,” he told me.The event itself, supported by a coalition including the local chapter of Indivisible, highlighted topics like reproductive justice and LGBTQ rights alongside issues for groups often stereotyped as Republican blocs — there was a speech about Department of Veterans Affairs cuts and a representative from the local Office for the Aging. Rules for a march around the modest downtown were laid out: no blocking pedestrians or vehicles, and for the sake of families doing weekend shopping, watch the language. “Fuck!” one person yelled indistinctly from the audience. “No, no,” the event’s emcee chided gently. The philosophy, as she put it, was one of persuasion. “We want to build the resistance, not make people angry at us.”Image: Adi RobertsonBut even in a place that will almost certainly never see a National Guard deployment or the ire of a Truth Social post, the Trump administration’s brutal deportation program had just hit close to home. Only hours before the protest commenced, ICE agents were recorded handcuffing a man and removing him in an unmarked black car — detaining what was reportedly a legal resident seeking asylum from Venezuela. The mayor of Oneonta, Mark Drnek, relayed the news to the crowd. “ICE! We see you!” boomed Drnek from the truckbed. “We recognize you for what you are, and we understand, and we reject your vile purpose.”The crowd cheered furiously. The stars and stripes waved.- Adi RobertsonSee More: Policy
    #kings #protests #eye #storm
    No Kings: protests in the eye of the storm
    As President Donald Trump kicked off a birthday military parade on the streets of Washington, DC, what’s estimated as roughly 2,000 events were held across the US and beyond — protesting Trump and Elon Musk’s evisceration of government services, an unprecedented crackdown by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, and countless other actions from the administration in its first five months. Held under the title “No Kings”, they’re the latest in several mass protests, following April’s Hands Off events and a wave of Tesla Takedown demonstrations in March.As The Verge’s Tina Nguyen went to downtown DC, we also sent reporters to No Kings demonstrations spanning the country, plus a “No Tyrants” event in the UK. How would they unfold after promises of “very heavy force” against protesters in the capital, after the deployment of thousands of military troops in a move a judge has bluntly called illegal, and after promises to “liberate” the city of Los Angeles from its “burdensome leadership” by local elected officials? What about the overnight killing of a Minnesota Democratic state representative and her husband, and the shooting of a Democratic state senator and his wife?The answer, at the events we attended, was fairly calmly — even against a backdrop of chaos.Downtown Los Angeles, CaliforniaAn inflatable baby Donald Trump, dressed in a diaper, hovered over throngs of people rallying outside of Los Angeles City Hall. Demonstrators outnumbered clumps of California National Guard members in fatigues posted up along sidewalks. “Go home to your families, we don’t need you in our streets,” one young person wearing a long braid down her back tells them while marching past. “Trump come catch these hands foo!” the back of her sign reads. I can’t see what the front says, but I can tell there’s an empty bag of Cheetos pasted to it.The big baby joins the march, floating through the streets of Downtown LA over demonstrators. A flatbed truck rolls ahead of it, the band — maybe LA’s own Ozomatli? — singing “We don’t like Trump” to the tune of “We Want The Funk.” Ducking inside Grand Central Market from the march, I talk to Puck and Twinkle Toes — two demonstrators in line for the public restrooms. Twinkle Toes tells me she’s part of an activist clown collective called Imp and Circumstance, wearing pink and white clown makeup and a striped pink and white bow wrapped around a loose hair bun atop her head. She’s here exercising her right to free speech, she says. Demonstrators in Los Angeles marched alongside an inflatable Donald Trump baby dressed in a diaper.“The more people that are out here, the more we know that this is not okay. That we don’t want an autocrat. We want democracy,” Puck tells me, adding that the Pride March in Hollywood last weekend was “nothing but love and sunshine” despite protests and burning driverless cars making headlines in downtown. “The news tries to make you think all of LA is rioting. It’s not.” Puck says.Back out on the streets, a young man quickly writes “Fuck ICE” on a black wall with white spray paint before a group of older demonstrators wearing floppy hats shushes him away — warning him that tagging will only attract more law enforcement.Further along, another older man with tufts of white hair sticking out under his Lakers cap walks stiffly and slowly along under the summer sun. A Mexican flag draped across his shoulders, he crosses Hope Street. A young man wearing a Nike cap makes his way over to ask if he wants water; the old man accepts a bottle and keeps walking without stopping. The march has looped around downtown, and is coming to an end back at City Hall. As I make my way to my bus stop, a line of police vehicles — sirens blasting — whizzes past me, back toward the crowd still gathering around City Hall.The Los Angeles Police Department issued a dispersal order for parts of downtown Los Angeles later in the afternoon, citing people “throwing rocks, bricks, bottles and other objects.” Law enforcement reportedly cleared crowds using gas, and the LAPD authorized the use of “less lethal” force.— Justine CalmaPortland, OregonFour different “No Kings” protests in the greater Portland area on Saturday drew massive crowds of tens of thousands across the city. Various activists, government officials, and representatives for politicians spoke at the rallies, which also featured music and live performances.Protesters of all ages came with dogs, strollers, flags, banners, and hand-made signs. At the downtown waterfront, some tourist boats appeared to still be departing, but the bike rental standwas closed for the day with a hand-lettered explanation reading “No crowns, no thrones, no kings” and “Americans against oligarchy.” Women appearing to be organizers passed out free American flags; many attendees came with their own American flags modified to fly upside down. Most protesters brought signs expressing a wide range of sentiments on the theme of “No Kings.” Some signs were surprisingly verbosewe’d all still be British”) while others were more succinct. Others opted for simple images, such as a picture of a crown crossed out, or — less frequently — a guillotine. Image: Sarah JeongThe waterfront park area was filled with people from the shoreline to the curb of the nearest street, where protesters held up signs to passing cars that honked in approval. The honking of a passing fire truck sent the crowd into an uproarious cheer. Portland is about a thousand miles from the border with Mexico, but the flag of its distant neighbor nation has emerged as protest iconography in solidarity with Los Angeles. The rainbow pride flag was flown as often as the Mexican flag. Military veterans were scattered throughout the crowd, some identifying themselves as having seen action in conflicts spanning from Vietnam to Afghanistan. Emanuel, an Air Force veteran, told me that he had turned out in defense of the constitution and due process, saying, “Nobody has any rights if one person doesn’t have any rights.” Image: Sarah JeongAnger was directed at ICE and the mass deportations all throughout the day, in signage, in chants, and in rally speeches. The previous night, about 150 people protested at a local ICE facility — coincidentally located by the Tesla dealership — a mile south of downtown, near a highway exit. The ICE facility protests, which have been continuous for some days, have been steadily building up. A couple of “No Kings” signs were present on Friday.. Demonstrators stood on the curb urging passing cars to “Honk if you hate fascists,” successfully eliciting car horns every few seconds, including some from a pristine white Tesla. Federal law enforcement in camo and helmets, their faces obscured, maced and shot at protesters with pepper balls, targeting them through the gates and sniping at them from the rooftop of the building. A handful of protesters — many wearing gas masks and respirators — formed phalanx formations in the driveway, wielding umbrellas and handmade shields. On Saturday, a speaker at one of the “No Kings” rallies advertised the occupation of the ICE facility, saying, “We’re a sanctuary city.” The crowd — replete with American flags both upside down and right side up — cheered. — Sarah JeongNew Port Richey, FloridaNearly every intersection on Pasco County’s State Road 54 looks the same: a cross-section of strip malls, each anchored by a Walmart or Target or Publix, surrounded by a mix of restaurants, nail salons, and gas stations. It’s not an environment that is particularly conducive to protests, but hundreds of people turned out in humid, 90-plus degree weather anyway. The overall size of the crowd is hard to determine, but it’s larger than I — and other attendees — anticipated, given the local demographics.New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleEveryone is on the sidewalk; an organizer with a megaphone tells people to use crosswalks if they’re going to attempt to brave the six-lane highway. Two days earlier, Governor Ron DeSantis said Floridians could legally run over protesters on the street if they feel “threatened.” New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleSo far, most drivers seem friendly. There are lots of supportive honks. One woman rolls down her window and thanks the protesters. “I love you! I wish I could be with you, but I have to work today!” she yells as she drives away. Not everyone is amenable. A man in a MAGA hat marches through the crowd waving a “thin green line” flag and yelling “long live the king!” as people in the crowd call him a traitor. A pickup truck drives by blasting “Ice Ice Baby,” waving another pro-law enforcement flag. The protesters have flags, too: American flags large and small, some upside down; Mexican; Ukrainian; Palestinian; Canadian; different configurations of pride and trans flags. Their signs, like their flags, illustrate their diverse reasons for attending: opposition to Trump’s “big beautiful” funding bill, DOGE’s budget cuts, and ICE arrests; support for immigrants, government workers, and Palestinians. One woman wears an inflatable chicken suit. Her friend pulls an effigy of Trump — dressed to look both like an eighteenth-century monarch, a taco, and a chicken — alongside her.New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleMost of the demonstrators are on the older side, but there are people of all ages in attendance. “I thought it was going to be maybe 20 people with a couple of signs,” Abby, 24, says, adding that she’s pleasantly surprised at both the turnout and the fact that most of the protesters are of retirement age. Abe, 20, tells me this is his first protest. Holding a sign that says “ICE = GESTAPO,” he tells me he came out to support a friend who is Mexican. Three teenagers walk by with signs expressing support for immigrants: “While Trump destroys America, we built it.” “Trump: 3 felonies. My parents: 0.” As I drive away, I notice nine counter-protesters off to the side, around the corner from the main event. They wave their own flags, but the demonstrators seemingly pay them no mind.— Gaby Del ValleHistoric Filipinotown, Los AngelesWearing a camo baseball cap — “Desert Storm Veteran” emblazoned on the front — Joe Arciaga greets a crowd of about 100 people in Los Angeles’ Historic Filipinotown around 9:00AM.“Good morning everyone, are you ready for some beautiful trouble?” Arciaga says into the megaphone, an American flag bandana wrapped around his wrist. The faces of Filipino labor leaders Philip Vera Cruz and Larry Itliong, who organized farm workers alongside Cesar Chavez, peer over his shoulders from a mural that lines the length of Unidad Park where Arciaga and a group called Lakas Collective helped organize this neighborhood No Kings rally. “I’m a Desert Storm veteran, and I’m a father of three and a grandfather of three, and I want to work for a future where democracy is upheld, due process, civil rights, the preservation of the rule of law — That’s all I want. I’m not a billionaire, I’m just a regular Joe, right?”, he tells The Verge.Joe Arciaga speaks to people at a rally in Historic Filipinotown, Los Angeles. Image: Justine Calma“I am mad as hell,” he says, when I ask him about the Army 250th anniversary parade Donald Trump has organized in Washington, DC coinciding with the president’s birthday. “The guy does not deserve to be honored, he’s a draft dodger, right?” Arciaga says. He’s “livid” that the President and DOGE have fired veterans working for federal agencies and slashed VA staff.Arciaga organizes the crowd into two lines that file out of the park to stand along Beverly Blvd., one of the main drags through LA. Arciaga has deputized a handful of attendees with security or medical experience with whistles to serve as “marshals” tasked with flagging and de-escalating any potentially risky situation that might arise. Johneric Concordia, one of the co-founders of the popular The Park’s Finest barbecue joint in the neighborhood, is MCing out on Beverly Blvd. He and Arciaga direct people onto the sidewalks and off the asphalt as honking cars zip by. In between chants of “No hate! No fear! Immigrants are welcome here!” and rap songs from LA artist Bambu that Concordia plays from a speaker, Concordia hypes up the organizers. “Who’s cool? Joe’s cool?” He spits into the microphone connected to his speaker. “Who’s streets? Our streets!” the crowd cheers. An hour later, a man sitting at a red light in a black Prius rolls down his window. “Go home!” he yells from the intersection. “Take your Mexican flag and go home!”The crowd mostly ignores him. One attendee on the corner holds up his “No Kings” sign to the Prius without turning his head to look at him. A few minutes later, a jogger in a blue t-shirt raises his fist as he passes the crowd. “Fuck yeah guys,” he says to cheers.By 10AM, the neighborhood event is coming to a close. Demonstrators start to trickle away, some fanning out to other rallies planned across LA today. Concordia is heading out too, microphone and speaker still in hand, “If you’re headed to downtown, watch out for suspicious crew cuts!” — Justine CalmaSan Francisco, California1/10Most of the crowd trickled out after 2pm, which was the scheduled end time of the protest, but hundreds stayed in the area. Image: Vjeran PavicLondon, UKLondon’s protest was a little different than most: it was almost entirely bereft of “No Kings” signs, thanks to the fact that about two miles away much larger crowds were gathered to celebrate the official birthday of one King Charles III. “We don’t have anything against King Charles,” Alyssa, a member of organizers Indivisible London, told me. And so, “out of respect for our host country as immigrants,” they instead set up shop in front of the US embassy with a tweaked message: “No kings, no crowns” became “no tyrants, no clowns.” London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonOf the hundreds gathered, not everyone got the memo, with a few painted signs decrying kings and crowns regardless, and one brave Brit brandishing a bit of cardboard with a simple message: “Our king is better than yours!”London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonStill, most of the crowd were on board, with red noses, clown suits, and Pennywise masks dotted throughout, plus costumes ranging from tacos to Roman emperors. “I think tyrants is the better word, and that’s why I dressed up as Caesar, because he was the original,” says Anna, a Long Island native who’s lived in London for three years. “Nobody likes a tyrant. Nobody. And they don’t do well, historically, but they destroy a lot.”For 90 minutes or so the crowd — predominantly American, judging by the accents around me — leaned into the circus theme. Speakers shared the stage with performers, from a comic singalong of anti-Trump protest songs to a protracted pantomime in which a woman in a banana costume exhorted the crowd to pelt a Donald Trump impersonator with fresh peels. London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonDuring a break in festivities, Alyssa told the crowd, “The most threatening sound to an oligarch is laughter.”— Dominic PrestonProspect Park, Brooklyn, New YorkThe No Kings protest at Brooklyn’s Grand Army Plaza was a calmer affair. Instead of gathering under the picturesque memorial arch, protesters were largely sequestered to a corner right outside Prospect Park, with some streets blocked off by police. The weekly farmers market was in full swing, meaning people cradling bundles of rhubarb were swerving in and out of protest signs that read things like, “Hating Donald Trump is Brat” and “Is it time to get out the pitch forks?” Like during the Hands Off protest in April, New York got rain on Saturday.Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe area where protesters were gathered made it difficult to count the crowd, but there were hundreds — perhaps a few thousand — people that streamed in and out. At one point, some protesters began marching down the street alongside Prospect Park, while others stayed at Grand Army Plaza to chant, cheer, and hold signs up at oncoming vehicles. With its proximity to the public library, the park, and densely populated neighborhoods, the massive intersection is a high-foot traffic area. Cars blared their horns as they passed, American flags waving in the chilly afternoon breeze.Jane, a Brooklyn resident who stood on the curb opposite the protesters, said she isn’t typically someone who comes out to actions like this: before the No Kings event, she had only ever been to one protest, the Women’s March.Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia Sato“I’m deeply concerned about our country,” Jane said, pausing as a long stream of trucks and cars honked continuously in support of the protesters in the background. “I think Trump is behaving as an authoritarian. We’ve seen in Russia, in Hungary, in Hong Kong, that the slide from freedom to not freedom is very fast and very quick if people do not make their voices heard,” Jane said. “I’m concerned that that’s what’s happening in the United States.” Jane also cited cuts to Medicaid and funding for academic research as well as tariffs as being “unacceptable.”Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe event was peaceful — there were lots of kids present — and people were in good spirits despite the rain. Protest signs ran the gamut from general anti-Trump slogansto New York City-specific causes like “Andrew Cuomo can’t read”. One sign read, “Fix your hearts or die,” an iconic line from the late director, David Lynch’s, Twin Peaks: The Return. And of course, amid nationwide immigration raids that have been escalated by the involvement of the federal government, ICE was top of mind: one sign simply read, “Melt ICE,” and another protester held a large “NO ICE IN NYC” sign. Though it was smaller and more contained than other events, the protest didn’t lack conviction: attendees of all ages stood in the cold rain, chanting and blowing into vuvuzela, banging the lids of pots and pans. At one point a man stood on the median on the street, leading the group in chants of “No justice, no peace.” Cars laid on the horn as they drove by.— Mia SatoAkron, OhioIt’s been raining pretty hard the last few days in Akron, OH, so much that I didn’t think there’d be a large turnout for our chapter of the No Kings protest. But I was emphatically proven wrong as the crowds I saw dwarfed the Tesla Takedown protests last month. Officially, the protest was to take place in front of the John F. Seiberling Federal Building on Main Street in Downtown Akron. But the concentration of people spilled over from that small space down Main Street and up Market Street. All told, though there were no official counts, I estimate somewhere between 500 to 900 people in this blue enclave in Northeast Ohio.The mood was exuberant, buoyed by supporters who honked their horns as they passed. The chorus of horns was nonstop, and when a sanitation truck honked as it went by, cheers got louder. The chants the crowds were singing took on a local flare. Ohio is the home of the Ohio State Buckeyes and anywhere you go, shout “O-H” and you’ll invariably get an “I-O” response. The crowds used that convention to make their own chant, “OH-IO, Donald Trump has got to go.”There was no police presence here and the crowd was very good at policing itself. Ostensibly out of concern for the incidents where people have rammed their cars into protestor crowds, the people here have taken up crossing guard duties, aiding folks who wish to cross Main or Market Streets. Toward the end of my time at the protest, I saw an older gentleman wearing Kent State gear and holding a sign that read, “Remember another time the National Guard was called in?” His sign featured a drawing of the famous photo from the event in which four Kent State students during a protest of the Vietnam War were killed by National Guard troops. I caught up with him to ask him some questions and he told me his name was Chuck Ayers, a professional cartoonist, and was present at the shooting. Akron, OH. Image: Ash Parrish“When I saw the National Guard in front of the federal building in LA,” he told me, “It was just another flashback.”He did not tell me this at the time, but Ayers is a nationally recognized cartoonist, noted for co-creating the comic strip Crankshaft. He’s lived in Ohio his entire life and of course, drew that sign himself. As he was telling me about how seeing news of the National Guard being deployed in LA, I could see him strain to hold back his emotions. He said it still hurts to see this 55 years later, but that he was heartened to see so many people standing here in community and solidarity. He also said that given his pain and trauma he almost didn’t come. When I asked why he showed up when it so obviously causes him pain he said simply, “Because I have to.”— Ash ParrishOneonta, New YorkOn a northward drive to Oneonta — population roughly 15,000, the largest city in New York’s mainly rural Otsego County — one of the most prominent landmarks is a sprawling barn splashed in huge, painted block letters with TRUMP 2024.It’s Trump country, but not uniformly Trumpy country, as evidenced by what I estimated as a hundreds-strong crowd gathered in a field just below Main Street that came together with a friendly county-fair atmosphere. Kids sat on their parents’ shoulders; American flags fluttered next to signs with slogans like SHADE NEVER MADE ANYONE LESS GAY, and attendees grumbled persistently about the event’s feeble sound system, set up on the bed of a pickup truck. It was the kind of conspicuously patriotic, far-from-urban protest that the Trump administration has all but insisted doesn’t exist.Image: Adi RobertsonBeyond a general condemnation of Trump, protest signs repped the same issues being denounced across the country. The wars in Gaza and Ukraine made an appearance, as did Elon Musk and Tesla. A couple of people called out funding cuts for organizations like NPR, one neatly lettered sign reminded us that WEATHER FORECASTING SAVES LIVES, another warned “Keep your nasty little hands off Social Security,” and a lot — unsurprisingly, given the past week’s events — attacked mass deportations and ICE. An attendee who identified himself as Bill, standing behind a placard that blocked most of him from sight, laid out his anger at the administration’s gutting of the Environmental Protection Agency. “I think if it was not for protests, there would be no change,” he told me.The event itself, supported by a coalition including the local chapter of Indivisible, highlighted topics like reproductive justice and LGBTQ rights alongside issues for groups often stereotyped as Republican blocs — there was a speech about Department of Veterans Affairs cuts and a representative from the local Office for the Aging. Rules for a march around the modest downtown were laid out: no blocking pedestrians or vehicles, and for the sake of families doing weekend shopping, watch the language. “Fuck!” one person yelled indistinctly from the audience. “No, no,” the event’s emcee chided gently. The philosophy, as she put it, was one of persuasion. “We want to build the resistance, not make people angry at us.”Image: Adi RobertsonBut even in a place that will almost certainly never see a National Guard deployment or the ire of a Truth Social post, the Trump administration’s brutal deportation program had just hit close to home. Only hours before the protest commenced, ICE agents were recorded handcuffing a man and removing him in an unmarked black car — detaining what was reportedly a legal resident seeking asylum from Venezuela. The mayor of Oneonta, Mark Drnek, relayed the news to the crowd. “ICE! We see you!” boomed Drnek from the truckbed. “We recognize you for what you are, and we understand, and we reject your vile purpose.”The crowd cheered furiously. The stars and stripes waved.- Adi RobertsonSee More: Policy #kings #protests #eye #storm
    WWW.THEVERGE.COM
    No Kings: protests in the eye of the storm
    As President Donald Trump kicked off a birthday military parade on the streets of Washington, DC, what’s estimated as roughly 2,000 events were held across the US and beyond — protesting Trump and Elon Musk’s evisceration of government services, an unprecedented crackdown by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and countless other actions from the administration in its first five months. Held under the title “No Kings” (with, as you’ll see, one conspicuous exception), they’re the latest in several mass protests, following April’s Hands Off events and a wave of Tesla Takedown demonstrations in March.As The Verge’s Tina Nguyen went to downtown DC, we also sent reporters to No Kings demonstrations spanning the country, plus a “No Tyrants” event in the UK. How would they unfold after promises of “very heavy force” against protesters in the capital, after the deployment of thousands of military troops in a move a judge has bluntly called illegal, and after promises to “liberate” the city of Los Angeles from its “burdensome leadership” by local elected officials? What about the overnight killing of a Minnesota Democratic state representative and her husband, and the shooting of a Democratic state senator and his wife?The answer, at the events we attended, was fairly calmly — even against a backdrop of chaos.Downtown Los Angeles, CaliforniaAn inflatable baby Donald Trump, dressed in a diaper, hovered over throngs of people rallying outside of Los Angeles City Hall. Demonstrators outnumbered clumps of California National Guard members in fatigues posted up along sidewalks. “Go home to your families, we don’t need you in our streets,” one young person wearing a long braid down her back tells them while marching past. “Trump come catch these hands foo!” the back of her sign reads. I can’t see what the front says, but I can tell there’s an empty bag of Cheetos pasted to it.The big baby joins the march, floating through the streets of Downtown LA over demonstrators. A flatbed truck rolls ahead of it, the band — maybe LA’s own Ozomatli? — singing “We don’t like Trump” to the tune of “We Want The Funk.” Ducking inside Grand Central Market from the march, I talk to Puck and Twinkle Toes — two demonstrators in line for the public restrooms. Twinkle Toes tells me she’s part of an activist clown collective called Imp and Circumstance, wearing pink and white clown makeup and a striped pink and white bow wrapped around a loose hair bun atop her head. She’s here exercising her right to free speech, she says. Demonstrators in Los Angeles marched alongside an inflatable Donald Trump baby dressed in a diaper.“The more people that are out here, the more we know that this is not okay. That we don’t want an autocrat. We want democracy,” Puck tells me, adding that the Pride March in Hollywood last weekend was “nothing but love and sunshine” despite protests and burning driverless cars making headlines in downtown. “The news tries to make you think all of LA is rioting. It’s not.” Puck says.Back out on the streets, a young man quickly writes “Fuck ICE” on a black wall with white spray paint before a group of older demonstrators wearing floppy hats shushes him away — warning him that tagging will only attract more law enforcement.Further along, another older man with tufts of white hair sticking out under his Lakers cap walks stiffly and slowly along under the summer sun. A Mexican flag draped across his shoulders, he crosses Hope Street. A young man wearing a Nike cap makes his way over to ask if he wants water; the old man accepts a bottle and keeps walking without stopping. The march has looped around downtown, and is coming to an end back at City Hall. As I make my way to my bus stop, a line of police vehicles — sirens blasting — whizzes past me, back toward the crowd still gathering around City Hall.The Los Angeles Police Department issued a dispersal order for parts of downtown Los Angeles later in the afternoon, citing people “throwing rocks, bricks, bottles and other objects.” Law enforcement reportedly cleared crowds using gas, and the LAPD authorized the use of “less lethal” force.— Justine CalmaPortland, OregonFour different “No Kings” protests in the greater Portland area on Saturday drew massive crowds of tens of thousands across the city. Various activists, government officials, and representatives for politicians spoke at the rallies, which also featured music and live performances. (One advertised free drag shows.) Protesters of all ages came with dogs, strollers, flags, banners, and hand-made signs. At the downtown waterfront, some tourist boats appeared to still be departing, but the bike rental stand (which also sells ice cream) was closed for the day with a hand-lettered explanation reading “No crowns, no thrones, no kings” and “Americans against oligarchy.” Women appearing to be organizers passed out free American flags; many attendees came with their own American flags modified to fly upside down. Most protesters brought signs expressing a wide range of sentiments on the theme of “No Kings.” Some signs were surprisingly verbose (“If the founders wanted a unitary executive (a king) we’d all still be British”) while others were more succinct (“Sic semper tyrannis”). Others opted for simple images, such as a picture of a crown crossed out, or — less frequently — a guillotine. Image: Sarah JeongThe waterfront park area was filled with people from the shoreline to the curb of the nearest street, where protesters held up signs to passing cars that honked in approval. The honking of a passing fire truck sent the crowd into an uproarious cheer. Portland is about a thousand miles from the border with Mexico, but the flag of its distant neighbor nation has emerged as protest iconography in solidarity with Los Angeles. The rainbow pride flag was flown as often as the Mexican flag. Military veterans were scattered throughout the crowd, some identifying themselves as having seen action in conflicts spanning from Vietnam to Afghanistan. Emanuel, an Air Force veteran, told me that he had turned out in defense of the constitution and due process, saying, “Nobody has any rights if one person doesn’t have any rights.” Image: Sarah JeongAnger was directed at ICE and the mass deportations all throughout the day, in signage, in chants, and in rally speeches. The previous night, about 150 people protested at a local ICE facility — coincidentally located by the Tesla dealership — a mile south of downtown, near a highway exit. The ICE facility protests, which have been continuous for some days, have been steadily building up. A couple of “No Kings” signs were present on Friday. (The following day, a handful of “Chinga la migra” signs would show up at the “No Kings” protests). Demonstrators stood on the curb urging passing cars to “Honk if you hate fascists,” successfully eliciting car horns every few seconds, including some from a pristine white Tesla. Federal law enforcement in camo and helmets, their faces obscured, maced and shot at protesters with pepper balls, targeting them through the gates and sniping at them from the rooftop of the building. A handful of protesters — many wearing gas masks and respirators — formed phalanx formations in the driveway, wielding umbrellas and handmade shields. On Saturday, a speaker at one of the “No Kings” rallies advertised the occupation of the ICE facility, saying, “We’re a sanctuary city.” The crowd — replete with American flags both upside down and right side up — cheered. — Sarah JeongNew Port Richey, FloridaNearly every intersection on Pasco County’s State Road 54 looks the same: a cross-section of strip malls, each anchored by a Walmart or Target or Publix, surrounded by a mix of restaurants, nail salons, and gas stations. It’s not an environment that is particularly conducive to protests, but hundreds of people turned out in humid, 90-plus degree weather anyway. The overall size of the crowd is hard to determine, but it’s larger than I — and other attendees — anticipated, given the local demographics. (Trump won 61 percent of the vote in Pasco County in 2024.) New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleEveryone is on the sidewalk; an organizer with a megaphone tells people to use crosswalks if they’re going to attempt to brave the six-lane highway. Two days earlier, Governor Ron DeSantis said Floridians could legally run over protesters on the street if they feel “threatened.” New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleSo far, most drivers seem friendly. There are lots of supportive honks. One woman rolls down her window and thanks the protesters. “I love you! I wish I could be with you, but I have to work today!” she yells as she drives away. Not everyone is amenable. A man in a MAGA hat marches through the crowd waving a “thin green line” flag and yelling “long live the king!” as people in the crowd call him a traitor. A pickup truck drives by blasting “Ice Ice Baby,” waving another pro-law enforcement flag. The protesters have flags, too: American flags large and small, some upside down; Mexican; Ukrainian; Palestinian; Canadian; different configurations of pride and trans flags. Their signs, like their flags, illustrate their diverse reasons for attending: opposition to Trump’s “big beautiful” funding bill, DOGE’s budget cuts, and ICE arrests; support for immigrants, government workers, and Palestinians. One woman wears an inflatable chicken suit. Her friend pulls an effigy of Trump — dressed to look both like an eighteenth-century monarch, a taco, and a chicken — alongside her.New Port Richey, FL. Image: Gaby Del ValleMost of the demonstrators are on the older side, but there are people of all ages in attendance. “I thought it was going to be maybe 20 people with a couple of signs,” Abby, 24, says, adding that she’s pleasantly surprised at both the turnout and the fact that most of the protesters are of retirement age. Abe, 20, tells me this is his first protest. Holding a sign that says “ICE = GESTAPO,” he tells me he came out to support a friend who is Mexican. Three teenagers walk by with signs expressing support for immigrants: “While Trump destroys America, we built it.” “Trump: 3 felonies. My parents: 0.” As I drive away, I notice nine counter-protesters off to the side, around the corner from the main event. They wave their own flags, but the demonstrators seemingly pay them no mind.— Gaby Del ValleHistoric Filipinotown, Los AngelesWearing a camo baseball cap — “Desert Storm Veteran” emblazoned on the front — Joe Arciaga greets a crowd of about 100 people in Los Angeles’ Historic Filipinotown around 9:00AM.“Good morning everyone, are you ready for some beautiful trouble?” Arciaga says into the megaphone, an American flag bandana wrapped around his wrist. The faces of Filipino labor leaders Philip Vera Cruz and Larry Itliong, who organized farm workers alongside Cesar Chavez, peer over his shoulders from a mural that lines the length of Unidad Park where Arciaga and a group called Lakas Collective helped organize this neighborhood No Kings rally. “I’m a Desert Storm veteran, and I’m a father of three and a grandfather of three, and I want to work for a future where democracy is upheld, due process, civil rights, the preservation of the rule of law — That’s all I want. I’m not a billionaire, I’m just a regular Joe, right?”, he tells The Verge.Joe Arciaga speaks to people at a rally in Historic Filipinotown, Los Angeles. Image: Justine Calma“I am mad as hell,” he says, when I ask him about the Army 250th anniversary parade Donald Trump has organized in Washington, DC coinciding with the president’s birthday. “The guy does not deserve to be honored, he’s a draft dodger, right?” Arciaga says. He’s “livid” that the President and DOGE have fired veterans working for federal agencies and slashed VA staff.Arciaga organizes the crowd into two lines that file out of the park to stand along Beverly Blvd., one of the main drags through LA. Arciaga has deputized a handful of attendees with security or medical experience with whistles to serve as “marshals” tasked with flagging and de-escalating any potentially risky situation that might arise. Johneric Concordia, one of the co-founders of the popular The Park’s Finest barbecue joint in the neighborhood, is MCing out on Beverly Blvd. He and Arciaga direct people onto the sidewalks and off the asphalt as honking cars zip by. In between chants of “No hate! No fear! Immigrants are welcome here!” and rap songs from LA artist Bambu that Concordia plays from a speaker, Concordia hypes up the organizers. “Who’s cool? Joe’s cool?” He spits into the microphone connected to his speaker. “Who’s streets? Our streets!” the crowd cheers. An hour later, a man sitting at a red light in a black Prius rolls down his window. “Go home!” he yells from the intersection. “Take your Mexican flag and go home!”The crowd mostly ignores him. One attendee on the corner holds up his “No Kings” sign to the Prius without turning his head to look at him. A few minutes later, a jogger in a blue t-shirt raises his fist as he passes the crowd. “Fuck yeah guys,” he says to cheers.By 10AM, the neighborhood event is coming to a close. Demonstrators start to trickle away, some fanning out to other rallies planned across LA today. Concordia is heading out too, microphone and speaker still in hand, “If you’re headed to downtown, watch out for suspicious crew cuts!” — Justine CalmaSan Francisco, California1/10Most of the crowd trickled out after 2pm, which was the scheduled end time of the protest, but hundreds stayed in the area. Image: Vjeran PavicLondon, UKLondon’s protest was a little different than most: it was almost entirely bereft of “No Kings” signs, thanks to the fact that about two miles away much larger crowds were gathered to celebrate the official birthday of one King Charles III. “We don’t have anything against King Charles,” Alyssa, a member of organizers Indivisible London, told me. And so, “out of respect for our host country as immigrants,” they instead set up shop in front of the US embassy with a tweaked message: “No kings, no crowns” became “no tyrants, no clowns.” London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonOf the hundreds gathered, not everyone got the memo, with a few painted signs decrying kings and crowns regardless, and one brave Brit brandishing a bit of cardboard with a simple message: “Our king is better than yours!”London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonStill, most of the crowd were on board, with red noses, clown suits, and Pennywise masks dotted throughout, plus costumes ranging from tacos to Roman emperors. “I think tyrants is the better word, and that’s why I dressed up as Caesar, because he was the original,” says Anna, a Long Island native who’s lived in London for three years. “Nobody likes a tyrant. Nobody. And they don’t do well, historically, but they destroy a lot.”For 90 minutes or so the crowd — predominantly American, judging by the accents around me — leaned into the circus theme. Speakers shared the stage with performers, from a comic singalong of anti-Trump protest songs to a protracted pantomime in which a woman in a banana costume exhorted the crowd to pelt a Donald Trump impersonator with fresh peels. London, UK. Image: Dominic PrestonDuring a break in festivities, Alyssa told the crowd, “The most threatening sound to an oligarch is laughter.”— Dominic PrestonProspect Park, Brooklyn, New YorkThe No Kings protest at Brooklyn’s Grand Army Plaza was a calmer affair. Instead of gathering under the picturesque memorial arch, protesters were largely sequestered to a corner right outside Prospect Park, with some streets blocked off by police. The weekly farmers market was in full swing, meaning people cradling bundles of rhubarb were swerving in and out of protest signs that read things like, “Hating Donald Trump is Brat” and “Is it time to get out the pitch forks?” Like during the Hands Off protest in April, New York got rain on Saturday.Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe area where protesters were gathered made it difficult to count the crowd, but there were hundreds — perhaps a few thousand — people that streamed in and out. At one point, some protesters began marching down the street alongside Prospect Park, while others stayed at Grand Army Plaza to chant, cheer, and hold signs up at oncoming vehicles. With its proximity to the public library, the park, and densely populated neighborhoods, the massive intersection is a high-foot traffic area. Cars blared their horns as they passed, American flags waving in the chilly afternoon breeze.Jane, a Brooklyn resident who stood on the curb opposite the protesters, said she isn’t typically someone who comes out to actions like this: before the No Kings event, she had only ever been to one protest, the Women’s March. (Jane asked that The Verge use her first name only.) Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia Sato“I’m deeply concerned about our country,” Jane said, pausing as a long stream of trucks and cars honked continuously in support of the protesters in the background. “I think Trump is behaving as an authoritarian. We’ve seen in Russia, in Hungary, in Hong Kong, that the slide from freedom to not freedom is very fast and very quick if people do not make their voices heard,” Jane said. “I’m concerned that that’s what’s happening in the United States.” Jane also cited cuts to Medicaid and funding for academic research as well as tariffs as being “unacceptable.”Prospect Park, Brooklyn. Image: Mia SatoThe event was peaceful — there were lots of kids present — and people were in good spirits despite the rain. Protest signs ran the gamut from general anti-Trump slogans (“I trust light tampons more than this administration”) to New York City-specific causes like “Andrew Cuomo can’t read” (there is a contenious mayoral election this month). One sign read, “Fix your hearts or die,” an iconic line from the late director, David Lynch’s, Twin Peaks: The Return. And of course, amid nationwide immigration raids that have been escalated by the involvement of the federal government, ICE was top of mind: one sign simply read, “Melt ICE,” and another protester held a large “NO ICE IN NYC” sign. Though it was smaller and more contained than other events, the protest didn’t lack conviction: attendees of all ages stood in the cold rain, chanting and blowing into vuvuzela, banging the lids of pots and pans. At one point a man stood on the median on the street, leading the group in chants of “No justice, no peace.” Cars laid on the horn as they drove by.— Mia SatoAkron, OhioIt’s been raining pretty hard the last few days in Akron, OH, so much that I didn’t think there’d be a large turnout for our chapter of the No Kings protest. But I was emphatically proven wrong as the crowds I saw dwarfed the Tesla Takedown protests last month. Officially, the protest was to take place in front of the John F. Seiberling Federal Building on Main Street in Downtown Akron. But the concentration of people spilled over from that small space down Main Street and up Market Street. All told, though there were no official counts, I estimate somewhere between 500 to 900 people in this blue enclave in Northeast Ohio.The mood was exuberant, buoyed by supporters who honked their horns as they passed. The chorus of horns was nonstop, and when a sanitation truck honked as it went by, cheers got louder. The chants the crowds were singing took on a local flare. Ohio is the home of the Ohio State Buckeyes and anywhere you go, shout “O-H” and you’ll invariably get an “I-O” response. The crowds used that convention to make their own chant, “OH-IO, Donald Trump has got to go.”There was no police presence here and the crowd was very good at policing itself. Ostensibly out of concern for the incidents where people have rammed their cars into protestor crowds, the people here have taken up crossing guard duties, aiding folks who wish to cross Main or Market Streets. Toward the end of my time at the protest, I saw an older gentleman wearing Kent State gear and holding a sign that read, “Remember another time the National Guard was called in?” His sign featured a drawing of the famous photo from the event in which four Kent State students during a protest of the Vietnam War were killed by National Guard troops. I caught up with him to ask him some questions and he told me his name was Chuck Ayers, a professional cartoonist, and was present at the shooting. Akron, OH. Image: Ash Parrish“When I saw the National Guard in front of the federal building in LA,” he told me, “It was just another flashback.”He did not tell me this at the time, but Ayers is a nationally recognized cartoonist, noted for co-creating the comic strip Crankshaft. He’s lived in Ohio his entire life and of course, drew that sign himself. As he was telling me about how seeing news of the National Guard being deployed in LA, I could see him strain to hold back his emotions. He said it still hurts to see this 55 years later, but that he was heartened to see so many people standing here in community and solidarity. He also said that given his pain and trauma he almost didn’t come. When I asked why he showed up when it so obviously causes him pain he said simply, “Because I have to.”— Ash ParrishOneonta, New YorkOn a northward drive to Oneonta — population roughly 15,000, the largest city in New York’s mainly rural Otsego County — one of the most prominent landmarks is a sprawling barn splashed in huge, painted block letters with TRUMP 2024. (The final digits have been faithfully updated every election since 2016.) It’s Trump country, but not uniformly Trumpy country, as evidenced by what I estimated as a hundreds-strong crowd gathered in a field just below Main Street that came together with a friendly county-fair atmosphere. Kids sat on their parents’ shoulders; American flags fluttered next to signs with slogans like SHADE NEVER MADE ANYONE LESS GAY, and attendees grumbled persistently about the event’s feeble sound system, set up on the bed of a pickup truck. It was the kind of conspicuously patriotic, far-from-urban protest that the Trump administration has all but insisted doesn’t exist.Image: Adi RobertsonBeyond a general condemnation of Trump, protest signs repped the same issues being denounced across the country. The wars in Gaza and Ukraine made an appearance, as did Elon Musk and Tesla. A couple of people called out funding cuts for organizations like NPR, one neatly lettered sign reminded us that WEATHER FORECASTING SAVES LIVES, another warned “Keep your nasty little hands off Social Security,” and a lot — unsurprisingly, given the past week’s events — attacked mass deportations and ICE. An attendee who identified himself as Bill, standing behind a placard that blocked most of him from sight, laid out his anger at the administration’s gutting of the Environmental Protection Agency. “I think if it was not for protests, there would be no change,” he told me.The event itself, supported by a coalition including the local chapter of Indivisible, highlighted topics like reproductive justice and LGBTQ rights alongside issues for groups often stereotyped as Republican blocs — there was a speech about Department of Veterans Affairs cuts and a representative from the local Office for the Aging (whose words were mostly lost to the sound system’s whims). Rules for a march around the modest downtown were laid out: no blocking pedestrians or vehicles, and for the sake of families doing weekend shopping, watch the language. “Fuck!” one person yelled indistinctly from the audience. “No, no,” the event’s emcee chided gently. The philosophy, as she put it, was one of persuasion. “We want to build the resistance, not make people angry at us.”Image: Adi RobertsonBut even in a place that will almost certainly never see a National Guard deployment or the ire of a Truth Social post, the Trump administration’s brutal deportation program had just hit close to home. Only hours before the protest commenced, ICE agents were recorded handcuffing a man and removing him in an unmarked black car — detaining what was reportedly a legal resident seeking asylum from Venezuela. The mayor of Oneonta, Mark Drnek, relayed the news to the crowd. “ICE! We see you!” boomed Drnek from the truckbed. “We recognize you for what you are, and we understand, and we reject your vile purpose.”The crowd cheered furiously. The stars and stripes waved.- Adi RobertsonSee More: Policy
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • Totaka's Song Appears To Have Been Found In Mario Kart World

    Image: NintendoNintendo mentioned how there were all sorts of surprises to discover in Mario Kart World and a week after the game's launch it looks like Totaka's Song has been discovered.
    As highlighted on social media and elsewhere online, you can hear Yoshi humming this Nintendo tune in the game's character menu. Here's a story and video shared over on the Mario Kart subreddit by the user 'charizardtelephone':

    "I was idling on the character select screen when I noticed Mario began humming after enough time passed. I thought, “Huh, they could totally hide hidden tunes like that.” Wait. Hidden music? In a Nintendo game? With Yoshi? It was too good to be true. But after a few seconds, lo and behold, yoshi begins humming Totaka’s song like the idle yoshis do in Mario Kart 8. Very cool Easter Egg. Not sure if anyone else has noticed it yet."When we tried this out ourselves, Yoshi started humming the same song just seconds later. It might also be a bit harder to hear depending on the music playing in the background.
    This famous song by the Japanese Nintendo composer Kazumi Totaka is often slipped into many of company's games. And if you're wondering why it's specifically Yoshi that hums this tune, it's because Totaka also happens to be Yoshi's voice actor, and once again voices the character in Mario Kart World.
    This Easter Egg has also popped up previously in Mario Kart 8 along with series like Animal Crossing and Zelda, and was inserted into titles such as Mario Paint back in the day.

    Have a listen

    Have you heard this tune in Mario Kart World yet? Let us know in the comments.Related Games
    See Also

    Share:0
    0

    Liam is a news writer and reviewer across Hookshot Media. He's been writing about games for more than 15 years and is a lifelong fan of many iconic video game characters.

    Hold on there, you need to login to post a comment...

    Related Articles

    Mario Kart World: All Costume Unlocks & Complete Outfit List
    It's a fashion race

    Best Nintendo Switch 2 Cases To Carry And Protect Your Console
    Look after your Switch 2 in style
    #totaka039s #song #appears #have #been
    Totaka's Song Appears To Have Been Found In Mario Kart World
    Image: NintendoNintendo mentioned how there were all sorts of surprises to discover in Mario Kart World and a week after the game's launch it looks like Totaka's Song has been discovered. As highlighted on social media and elsewhere online, you can hear Yoshi humming this Nintendo tune in the game's character menu. Here's a story and video shared over on the Mario Kart subreddit by the user 'charizardtelephone': "I was idling on the character select screen when I noticed Mario began humming after enough time passed. I thought, “Huh, they could totally hide hidden tunes like that.” Wait. Hidden music? In a Nintendo game? With Yoshi? It was too good to be true. But after a few seconds, lo and behold, yoshi begins humming Totaka’s song like the idle yoshis do in Mario Kart 8. Very cool Easter Egg. Not sure if anyone else has noticed it yet."When we tried this out ourselves, Yoshi started humming the same song just seconds later. It might also be a bit harder to hear depending on the music playing in the background. This famous song by the Japanese Nintendo composer Kazumi Totaka is often slipped into many of company's games. And if you're wondering why it's specifically Yoshi that hums this tune, it's because Totaka also happens to be Yoshi's voice actor, and once again voices the character in Mario Kart World. This Easter Egg has also popped up previously in Mario Kart 8 along with series like Animal Crossing and Zelda, and was inserted into titles such as Mario Paint back in the day. Have a listen Have you heard this tune in Mario Kart World yet? Let us know in the comments.Related Games See Also Share:0 0 Liam is a news writer and reviewer across Hookshot Media. He's been writing about games for more than 15 years and is a lifelong fan of many iconic video game characters. Hold on there, you need to login to post a comment... Related Articles Mario Kart World: All Costume Unlocks & Complete Outfit List It's a fashion race Best Nintendo Switch 2 Cases To Carry And Protect Your Console Look after your Switch 2 in style #totaka039s #song #appears #have #been
    WWW.NINTENDOLIFE.COM
    Totaka's Song Appears To Have Been Found In Mario Kart World
    Image: NintendoNintendo mentioned how there were all sorts of surprises to discover in Mario Kart World and a week after the game's launch it looks like Totaka's Song has been discovered. As highlighted on social media and elsewhere online (via Nintendo Everything), you can hear Yoshi humming this Nintendo tune in the game's character menu. Here's a story and video shared over on the Mario Kart subreddit by the user 'charizardtelephone': "I was idling on the character select screen when I noticed Mario began humming after enough time passed. I thought, “Huh, they could totally hide hidden tunes like that.” Wait. Hidden music? In a Nintendo game? With Yoshi? It was too good to be true. But after a few seconds, lo and behold, yoshi begins humming Totaka’s song like the idle yoshis do in Mario Kart 8. Very cool Easter Egg. Not sure if anyone else has noticed it yet."When we tried this out ourselves, Yoshi started humming the same song just seconds later. It might also be a bit harder to hear depending on the music playing in the background. This famous song by the Japanese Nintendo composer Kazumi Totaka is often slipped into many of company's games. And if you're wondering why it's specifically Yoshi that hums this tune, it's because Totaka also happens to be Yoshi's voice actor, and once again voices the character in Mario Kart World. This Easter Egg has also popped up previously in Mario Kart 8 along with series like Animal Crossing and Zelda, and was inserted into titles such as Mario Paint back in the day. Have a listen Have you heard this tune in Mario Kart World yet? Let us know in the comments. [source nintendoeverything.com] Related Games See Also Share:0 0 Liam is a news writer and reviewer across Hookshot Media. He's been writing about games for more than 15 years and is a lifelong fan of many iconic video game characters. Hold on there, you need to login to post a comment... Related Articles Mario Kart World: All Costume Unlocks & Complete Outfit List It's a fashion race Best Nintendo Switch 2 Cases To Carry And Protect Your Console Look after your Switch 2 in style
    0 Comments 0 Shares
  • This Marvel Rivals hero became unstoppable after the controversial change

    You can trust VideoGamer. Our team of gaming experts spend hours testing and reviewing the latest games, to ensure you're reading the most comprehensive guide possible. Rest assured, all imagery and advice is unique and original. Check out how we test and review games here

    Season 2.5 of Marvel Rivals has completely shaken up the competitive meta. Ultron, a new Strategist, has performed much better than the community had expected him to, while Peni Parker has had the highest win rate ever since the season was released. Many other heroes have been changed, but one in particular has surpassed all expectations.
    In this article, we will dive deeper into Marvel Rivals win rates in Season 2.5. The situation has drastically changed over the past month, and some of the balance changes have turned out to be the right move.
    Marvel Rivals Season 2.5 has skyrocketed Jeff’s win rate
    With the release of Season 2.5, NetEase introduced a major rework for Jeff the Land Shark. The fan-favorite Strategist went through ground-breaking changes, which forced players to change their playstyle. Initially, the community believed that Jeff was nerfed to the ground. However, this Marvel Rivals rework has turned out to be the right move.
    So far this season, Jeff the Land Shark holds a 46.39% win rate. While this is certainly not impressive, it actually surpasses the win rates of Invisible Womanand Luna Snow, both of whom are considered amazing healers.
    Jeff’s win rate has been much better in Marvel Rivals Season 2.5. Image by VideoGamer
    In addition to this, Jeff is the hero with the largest win rate increase in comparison to Season 2, as it increased by 4.35%. The only other hero with a comparable change is Peni Parker, whose win rate has jumped by 4.09%.
    Jeff is still far from a top-tier character in the game. However, there is no denying that he’s now a viable pick who can keep his teammates alive while also eliminating the enemy team. With Marvel Rivals Season 3 dropping in a few weeks, we expect even more balance changes to come out. While NetEase may buff Jeff even more, he seems to have reached a balanced “sweet spot” that doesn’t require immediate adjustments.

    Marvel Rivals

    Platform:
    macOS, PC, PlayStation 5, Xbox Series S, Xbox Series X

    Genre:
    Fighting, Shooter

    Subscribe to our newsletters!

    By subscribing, you agree to our Privacy Policy and may receive occasional deal communications; you can unsubscribe anytime.

    Share
    #this #marvel #rivals #hero #became
    This Marvel Rivals hero became unstoppable after the controversial change
    You can trust VideoGamer. Our team of gaming experts spend hours testing and reviewing the latest games, to ensure you're reading the most comprehensive guide possible. Rest assured, all imagery and advice is unique and original. Check out how we test and review games here Season 2.5 of Marvel Rivals has completely shaken up the competitive meta. Ultron, a new Strategist, has performed much better than the community had expected him to, while Peni Parker has had the highest win rate ever since the season was released. Many other heroes have been changed, but one in particular has surpassed all expectations. In this article, we will dive deeper into Marvel Rivals win rates in Season 2.5. The situation has drastically changed over the past month, and some of the balance changes have turned out to be the right move. Marvel Rivals Season 2.5 has skyrocketed Jeff’s win rate With the release of Season 2.5, NetEase introduced a major rework for Jeff the Land Shark. The fan-favorite Strategist went through ground-breaking changes, which forced players to change their playstyle. Initially, the community believed that Jeff was nerfed to the ground. However, this Marvel Rivals rework has turned out to be the right move. So far this season, Jeff the Land Shark holds a 46.39% win rate. While this is certainly not impressive, it actually surpasses the win rates of Invisible Womanand Luna Snow, both of whom are considered amazing healers. Jeff’s win rate has been much better in Marvel Rivals Season 2.5. Image by VideoGamer In addition to this, Jeff is the hero with the largest win rate increase in comparison to Season 2, as it increased by 4.35%. The only other hero with a comparable change is Peni Parker, whose win rate has jumped by 4.09%. Jeff is still far from a top-tier character in the game. However, there is no denying that he’s now a viable pick who can keep his teammates alive while also eliminating the enemy team. With Marvel Rivals Season 3 dropping in a few weeks, we expect even more balance changes to come out. While NetEase may buff Jeff even more, he seems to have reached a balanced “sweet spot” that doesn’t require immediate adjustments. Marvel Rivals Platform: macOS, PC, PlayStation 5, Xbox Series S, Xbox Series X Genre: Fighting, Shooter Subscribe to our newsletters! By subscribing, you agree to our Privacy Policy and may receive occasional deal communications; you can unsubscribe anytime. Share #this #marvel #rivals #hero #became
    WWW.VIDEOGAMER.COM
    This Marvel Rivals hero became unstoppable after the controversial change
    You can trust VideoGamer. Our team of gaming experts spend hours testing and reviewing the latest games, to ensure you're reading the most comprehensive guide possible. Rest assured, all imagery and advice is unique and original. Check out how we test and review games here Season 2.5 of Marvel Rivals has completely shaken up the competitive meta. Ultron, a new Strategist, has performed much better than the community had expected him to, while Peni Parker has had the highest win rate ever since the season was released. Many other heroes have been changed, but one in particular has surpassed all expectations. In this article, we will dive deeper into Marvel Rivals win rates in Season 2.5. The situation has drastically changed over the past month, and some of the balance changes have turned out to be the right move. Marvel Rivals Season 2.5 has skyrocketed Jeff’s win rate With the release of Season 2.5, NetEase introduced a major rework for Jeff the Land Shark. The fan-favorite Strategist went through ground-breaking changes, which forced players to change their playstyle. Initially, the community believed that Jeff was nerfed to the ground. However, this Marvel Rivals rework has turned out to be the right move. So far this season, Jeff the Land Shark holds a 46.39% win rate. While this is certainly not impressive, it actually surpasses the win rates of Invisible Woman (45.54%) and Luna Snow (45.28%), both of whom are considered amazing healers. Jeff’s win rate has been much better in Marvel Rivals Season 2.5. Image by VideoGamer In addition to this, Jeff is the hero with the largest win rate increase in comparison to Season 2, as it increased by 4.35%. The only other hero with a comparable change is Peni Parker, whose win rate has jumped by 4.09%. Jeff is still far from a top-tier character in the game. However, there is no denying that he’s now a viable pick who can keep his teammates alive while also eliminating the enemy team. With Marvel Rivals Season 3 dropping in a few weeks, we expect even more balance changes to come out. While NetEase may buff Jeff even more, he seems to have reached a balanced “sweet spot” that doesn’t require immediate adjustments. Marvel Rivals Platform(s): macOS, PC, PlayStation 5, Xbox Series S, Xbox Series X Genre(s): Fighting, Shooter Subscribe to our newsletters! By subscribing, you agree to our Privacy Policy and may receive occasional deal communications; you can unsubscribe anytime. Share
    0 Comments 0 Shares
More Results