In a new effort to advance sovereign AI for European public service media, NVIDIA and the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) are working together to give the media industry access to high-quality and trusted cloud and AI technologies. Announced at NVIDIA GTC Paris at VivaTech, NVIDIA’s collaboration with the EBU — the world’s leading alliance of public service media with more than 110 member organizations in 50+ countries, reaching an audience of over 1 billion — focuses on helping build sovereign AI and cloud frameworks, driving workforce development and cultivating an AI ecosystem to create a more equitable, accessible and resilient European media landscape. The work will create better foundations for public service media to benefit from European cloud infrastructure and AI services that are exclusively governed by European policy, comply with European data protection and privacy rules, and embody European values. Sovereign AI ensures nations can develop and deploy artificial intelligence using local infrastructure, datasets and expertise. By investing in it, European countries can preserve their cultural identity, enhance public trust and support innovation specific to their needs. “We are proud to collaborate with NVIDIA to drive the development of sovereign AI and cloud services,” said Michael Eberhard, chief technology officer of public broadcaster ARD/SWR, and chair of the EBU Technical Committee. “By advancing these capabilities together, we’re helping ensure that powerful, compliant and accessible media services are made available to all EBU members — powering innovation, resilience and strategic autonomy across the board.” Empowering Media Innovation in Europe To support the development of sovereign AI technologies, NVIDIA and the EBU will establish frameworks that prioritize independence and public trust, helping ensure that AI serves the interests of Europeans while preserving the autonomy of media organizations. Through this collaboration, NVIDIA and the EBU will develop hybrid cloud architectures designed to meet the highest standards of European public service media. The EBU will contribute its Dynamic Media Facility (DMF) and Media eXchange Layer (MXL) architecture, aiming to enable interoperability and scalability for workflows, as well as cost- and energy-efficient AI training and inference. Following open-source principles, this work aims to create an accessible, dynamic technology ecosystem. The collaboration will also provide public service media companies with the tools to deliver personalized, contextually relevant services and content recommendation systems, with a focus on transparency, accountability and cultural identity. This will be realized through investment in sovereign cloud and AI infrastructure and software platforms such as NVIDIA AI Enterprise, custom foundation models, large language models trained with local data, and retrieval-augmented generation technologies. As part of the collaboration, NVIDIA is also making available resources from its Deep Learning Institute, offering European media organizations comprehensive training programs to create an AI-ready workforce. This will support the EBU’s efforts to help ensure news integrity in the age of AI. In addition, the EBU and its partners are investing in local data centers and cloud platforms that support sovereign technologies, such as NVIDIA GB200 Grace Blackwell Superchip, NVIDIA RTX PRO Servers, NVIDIA DGX Cloud and NVIDIA Holoscan for Media — helping members of the union achieve secure and cost- and energy-efficient AI training, while promoting AI research and development. Partnering With Public Service Media for Sovereign Cloud and AI Collaboration within the media sector is essential for the development and application of comprehensive standards and best practices that ensure the creation and deployment of sovereign European cloud and AI. By engaging with independent software vendors, data center providers, cloud service providers and original equipment manufacturers, NVIDIA and the EBU aim to create a unified approach to sovereign cloud and AI. This work will also facilitate discussions between the cloud and AI industry and European regulators, helping ensure the development of practical solutions that benefit both the general public and media organizations. “Building sovereign cloud and AI capabilities based on EBU’s Dynamic Media Facility and Media eXchange Layer architecture requires strong cross-industry collaboration,” said Antonio Arcidiacono, chief technology and innovation officer at the EBU. “By collaborating with NVIDIA, as well as a broad ecosystem of media technology partners, we are fostering a shared foundation for trust, innovation and resilience that supports the growth of European media.” Learn more about the EBU. Watch the NVIDIA GTC Paris keynote from NVIDIA founder and CEO Jensen Huang at VivaTech, and explore GTC Paris sessions. 

Riot Games has announced that it will begin officially sanctioning sports-betting sponsorships for esports teams in its Tier 1 League of Legends and Valorant leagues. While the company states that it still won't allow advertisements in its official broadcasts, teams themselves will be able to take money from sports-betting companies for advertising through their own channels.In a blog post, President of Publishing and Esports John Needham writes that the move is designed to take advantage of the rapidly growing sports-betting industry and to make esports-related betting more regulated. Seemingly to address concerns and head off potential criticism, Needham explains that the company is authorizing sports-betting sponsorships under a "guardrails first" strategy.These "guardrails," Needham states, are essentially the rules by which any sponsorship must be executed. First, sports-betting companies need to be vetted and approved by Riot itself, although the company has not shared the criteria on which this vetting is done. Second, to ensure that sports-betting companies are on a level playing field, Riot is mandating that official partners all use GRID, the officially sanctioned data platform for League of Legends and Valorant. Third, esports teams must launch and maintain internal integrity programs to protect against violations of league rules due to the influence of sports betting. Fourth and last, Riot will use some of the revenue from these sponsorships to support its Tier 2 (lower division) esports leagues.Continue Reading at GameSpot

Take the Speakers, Headphones, and Earphones SurveyTake other PCMag surveys. Each completed survey is a chance to win a $250 Amazon gift card. OFFICIAL SWEEPSTAKES RULESNO PURCHASE NECESSARY TO ENTER OR WIN. A PURCHASE WILL NOT INCREASE YOUR CHANCES OF WINNING. VOID WHERE PROHIBITED. Readers' Choice Sweepstakes (the "Sweepstakes") is governed by these official rules (the "Sweepstakes Rules"). The Sweepstakes begins on May 9, 2025, at 12:00 AM ET and ends on July 27, 2025, at 11:59 PM ET (the "Sweepstakes Period").SPONSOR: Ziff Davis, LLC, with an address of 360 Park Ave South, Floor 17, New York, NY 10010 (the "Sponsor").ELIGIBILITY: This Sweepstakes is open to individuals who are eighteen (18) years of age or older at the time of entry who are legal residents of the fifty (50) United States of America or the District of Columbia. 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In 2024, Egypt completed its 1,155km stretch of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway, a 10,228km‑long road connecting 10 African countries – Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa.   The imaginary of ‘Cape to Cairo’ is not new. In 1874, editor of the Daily Telegraph Edwin Arnold proposed a plan to connect the African continent by rail, a project that came to be known as the Cape to Cairo Railway project. Cecil Rhodes expressed his support for the project, seeing it as a means to connect the various ‘possessions’ of the British Empire across Africa, facilitating the movement of troops and natural resources. This railway project was never completed, and in 1970 was overlaid by a very different attempt at connecting the Cape to Cairo, as part of the Trans‑African Highway network. This 56,683km‑long system of highways – some dating from the colonial era, some built as part of the 1970s project, and some only recently built – aimed to create lines of connection across the African continent, from north to south as well as east to west.  Here, postcolonial state power invested in ‘moving the continent’s people and economies from past to future’, as architectural historians Kenny Cupers and Prita Meier write in their 2020 essay ‘Infrastructure between Statehood and Selfhood: The Trans‑African Highway’. The highways were to be built with the support of Kenya’s president Jomo Kenyatta, Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana’s director of social welfare Robert Gardiner, as well as the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). This project was part of a particular historical moment during which anticolonial ideas animated most of the African continent; alongside trade, this iteration of Cape to Cairo centred social and cultural connection between African peoples. But though largely socialist in ambition, the project nevertheless engaged modernist developmentalist logics that cemented capitalism.  Lead image: Over a century in the making, the final stretches of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway are being finished. Egypt completed the section within its borders last year and a section over the dry Merille River in Kenya was constructed in 2019. Credit: Allan Muturi / SOPA / ZUMA / Alamy. Above: The route from Cairo to Cape Town, outlined in red, belongs to the Trans‑African Highway network, which comprises nine routes, here in black The project failed to fully materialise at the time, but efforts to complete the Trans‑African Highway network have been revived in the last 20 years; large parts are now complete though some links remain unbuilt and many roads are unpaved or hazardous. The most recent attempts to realise this project coincide with a new continental free trade agreement, the agreement on African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), established in 2019, to increase trade within the continent. The contemporary manifestation of the Cairo–Cape Town Highway – also known as Trans‑African Highway (TAH) 4 – is marked by deepening neoliberal politics. Represented as an opportunity to boost trade and exports, connecting Egypt to African markets that the Egyptian government view as ‘untapped’, the project invokes notions of trade steeped in extraction, reflecting the neoliberal logic underpinning contemporary Egyptian governance; today, the country’s political project, led by Abdel Fattah El Sisi, is oriented towards Egyptian dominance and extraction in relation to the rest of the continent.  Through an allusion to markets ripe for extraction, this language brings to the fore historical forms of domination that have shaped the connections between Egypt and the rest of the continent; previous iterations of connection across the continent often reproduced forms of domination stretching from the north of the African continent to the south, including the Trans‑Saharan slave trade routes across Africa that ended in various North African and Middle Eastern territories. These networks, beginning in the 8th century and lasting until the 20th, produced racialised hierarchies across the continent, shaping North Africa into a comparably privileged space proximate to ‘Arabness’. This was a racialised division based on a civilisational narrative that saw Arabs as superior, but more importantly a political economic division resulting from the slave trade routes that produced huge profits for North Africa and the Middle East. In the contemporary moment, these racialised hierarchies are bound up in political economic dependency on the Arab Gulf states, who are themselves dependent on resource extraction, land grabbing and privatisation across the entire African continent.  ‘The Cairo–Cape Town Highway connects Egypt to African markets viewed as “untapped”, invoking notions steeped in extraction’ However, this imaginary conjured by the Cairo–Cape Town Highway is countered by a network of streets scattered across Africa that traces the web of Egyptian Pan‑African solidarity across the continent. In Lusaka in Zambia, you might find yourself on Nasser Road, as you might in Mwanza in Tanzania or Luanda in Angola. In Mombasa in Kenya, you might be driving down Abdel Nasser Road; in Kampala in Uganda, you might find yourself at Nasser Road University; and in Tunis in Tunisia, you might end up on Gamal Abdel Nasser Street. These street names are a reference to Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s first postcolonial leader and president between 1956 and 1970.  Read against the contemporary Cairo–Cape Town Highway, these place names signal a different form of connection that brings to life Egyptian Pan‑Africanism, when solidarity was the hegemonic force connecting the continent, coming up against the notion of a natural or timeless ‘great divide’ within Africa. From the memoirs of Egyptian officials who were posted around Africa as conduits of solidarity, to the broadcasts of Radio Cairo that were heard across the continent, to the various conferences attended by anticolonial movements and postcolonial states, Egypt’s orientation towards Pan‑Africanism, beginning in the early 20th century and lasting until the 1970s, was both material and ideological. Figures and movements forged webs of solidarity with their African comrades, imagining an Africa that was united through shared commitments to ending colonialism and capitalist extraction.  The route between Cape Town in South Africa and Cairo in Egypt has long occupied the colonial imaginary. In 1930, Margaret Belcher and Ellen Budgell made the journey, sponsored by car brand Morris and oil company Shell Credit: Fox Photos / Getty The pair made use of the road built by British colonisers in the 19th century, and which forms the basis for the current Cairo–Cape Town Highway. The road was preceded by the 1874 Cape to Cairo Railway project, which connected the colonies of the British Empire Credit: Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division This network of eponymous streets represents attempts to inscribe anticolonial power into the materiality of the city. Street‑naming practices are one way in which the past comes into the present, ‘weaving history into the geographic fabric of everyday life’, as geographer Derek Alderman wrote in his 2002 essay ‘Street Names as Memorial Arenas’. In this vein, the renaming of streets during decolonisation marked a practice of contesting the production of colonial space. In the newly postcolonial city, renaming was a way of ‘claiming the city back’, Alderman continues. While these changes may appear discursive, it is their embedding in material spaces, through signs and maps, that make the names come to life; place names become a part of the everyday through sharing addresses or giving directions. This quality makes them powerful; consciously or unconsciously, they form part of how the spaces of the city are navigated.  These are traces that were once part of a dominant historical narrative; yet when they are encountered in the present, during a different historical moment, they no longer act as expressions of power but instead conjure up a moment that has long passed. A street in Lusaka named after an Egyptian general made more sense 60 years ago than it does today, yet contextualising it recovers a marginalised history of Egyptian Pan‑Africanism.  Markers such as street names or monuments are simultaneously markers of anticolonial struggle as well as expressions of state power – part of an attempt, by political projects such as Nasser’s, to exert their own dominance over cities, towns and villages. That such traces are expressions of both anticolonial hopes and postcolonial state power produces a sense of tension within them. For instance, Nasser’s postcolonial project in Egypt was a contradictory one; it gave life to anticolonial hopes – for instance by breaking away from European capitalism and embracing anticolonial geopolitics – while crushing many parts of the left through repression, censorship and imprisonment. Traces of Nasser found today inscribe both anticolonial promises – those that came to life and those that did not – while reproducing postcolonial power that in most instances ended in dictatorship.  Recent efforts to complete the route build on those of the post‑independence era – work on a section north of Nairobi started in 1968 Credit: Associated Press / Alamy The Trans‑African Highway network was conceived in 1970 in the spirit of Pan‑Africanism At that time, the routes did not extend into South Africa, which was in the grip of apartheid. The Trans‑African Highway initiative was motivated by a desire to improve trade and centre cultural links across the continent – an ambition that was even celebrated on postage stamps There have been long‑standing debates about the erasure of the radical anticolonial spirit from the more conservative postcolonial states that emerged; the promises and hopes of anticolonialism, not least among them socialism and a world free of white supremacy, remain largely unrealised. Instead, by the 1970s neoliberalism emerged as a new hegemonic project. The contemporary instantiation of Cape to Cairo highlights just how pervasive neoliberal logics continue to be, despite multiple global financial crises and the 2011 Egyptian revolution demanding ‘bread, freedom, social justice’.  But the network of streets named after anticolonial figures and events across the world is testament to the immense power and promise of anticolonial revolution. Most of the 20th century was characterised by anticolonial struggle, decolonisation and postcolonial nation‑building, as nations across the global south gained independence from European empire and founded their own political projects. Anticolonial traces, present in street and place names, point to the possibility of solidarity as a means of reorienting colonial geographies. They are a reminder that there have been other imaginings of Cape to Cairo, and that things can be – and have been – otherwise. 2025-06-13 Kristina Rapacki Share

html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.0 Transitional//EN" "http://www.w3.org/TR/REC-html40/loose.dtd" Epic Games has made Odyssey, Praxinos’s 2D animation plugin for Unreal Engine, available for free through Fab, its online marketplace.The software – which can be used for storyboarding or texturing 3D models as well as creating 2D animation – is available for free indefinitely, and will continue to be updated. A serious professional 2D animation tool created by former TVPaint staff Created by a team that includes former developers of standalone 2D animation software TVPaint, Odyssey has been in development since 2019.Part of that work was also funded by Epic Games, with Praxinos receiving an Epic MegaGrant for two of Odyssey’s precursors: painting plugin Iliad and storyboard and layout plugin Epos. Odyssey itself was released last year after beta testing at French animation studios including Ellipse Animation, and originally cost €1,200 for a perpetual license. Create 2D animation, storyboards, or textures for 3D models Although Odyssey’s main function is to create 2D animation – for movie and broadcast projects, motion graphics, or even games – the plugin adds a wider 2D toolset to Unreal Engine.Other use cases include storyboarding – you can import image sequences and turn them into storyboards – and texturing, either by painting 2D texture maps, or painting onto 3D meshes. It supports both 2D and 3D workflows, with the 2D editors – which include a flipbook editor as well as the 2D texture and animation editors – complemented by a 3D viewport. The bitmap painting toolset makes use of Unreal Engine’s Blueprint system, making it possible for users to create new painting brushes using a node-based workflow, and supports pressure sensitivity on graphics tablets. There is also a vector toolset for creating hard-edged shapes. Animation features include onion skinning, Toon Boom-style shift and trace, and automatic inbetweening. The plugin supports standard 2D and 3D file formats, including PSD, FBX and USD. Available for free indefinitely, but future updates planned Epic Games regularly makes Unreal Engine assets available for free through Fab, but usually only for a limited period of time.Odyssey is different, in that it is available for free indefinitely. However, it will continue to get updates: according to Epic Games’ blog post, Praxinos “plans to work in close collaboration with Epic Games and continue to enhance Odyssey”. As well as Odyssey itself, Praxinos offers custom tools development and training, which will hopefully also help to support future development. System requirements and availability Odyssey is compatible with Unreal Engine 5.6 on Windows and macOS. It is available for free under a Fab Standard License, including for commercial use.Read more about Odyssey on Praxinos’s website Find more detailed information in Odyssey’s online manual Download Unreal Engine 2D animation plugin Odyssey for free Have your say on this story by following CG Channel on Facebook, Instagram and X (formerly Twitter). As well as being able to comment on stories, followers of our social media accounts can see videos we don’t post on the site itself, including making-ofs for the latest VFX movies, animations, games cinematics and motion graphics projects.

This is a spoiler-free preview of the first five episodes of season three. Star Trek: Strange New Worlds ended its second season with arguably the single strongest run of any streaming-era Trek. The show was made with such confidence in all departments that if there were flaws, you weren’t interested in looking for them. Since then, it’s gone from being the best modern Trek, to being the only modern Trek. Unfortunately, at the moment it needs to be the standard bearer for the show, it’s become noticeably weaker and less consistent.  As usual, I’ve seen the first five episodes, but can’t reveal specifics about what I’ve seen. I can say plenty of the things that made Strange New Worlds the best modern-day live-action Trek remain in place. It’s a show that’s happy for you to spend time with its characters as they hang out, and almost all of them are deeply charming. This is, after all, a show that uses as motif the image of the crew in Pike’s quarters as the captain cooks for his crew. Its format, with standalone adventures blended with serialized character drama, means it can offer something new every week. Think back to the first season, when “Memento Mori,” a tense action thriller with the Gorn, was immediately followed by “Spock Amock,” a goofy, starbase-set body-swap romantic comedy of manners centered around Spock. Strange New Worlds is the first Trek in a long while to realize audiences don’t just want a ceaseless slog of stern-faced, angry grimdark. And if they want that, they can go watch Picard and Section 31. Marni Grossman/Paramount+ But, as much as those things are SNW’s greatest strength, it’s a delicate balance to ensure the series doesn’t lurch too far either way. And, it pains me to say this, the show spends the first five episodes of its third season going too far in both directions (although, mercifully, not at the same time). No specifics, but one episode I’m sure was on the same writers room whiteboard wishlist as last season’s musical episode. What was clearly intended as a chance for everyone to get out of their usual roles and have fun falls flat. Because the episode can never get past the sense it’s too delighted in its own silliness to properly function. Marni Grossman/Paramount+ At the other end of the scale, we get sprints toward the eye-gouging grimdark that blighted those other series. Sure, the series has gone to dark places before, but previously with more of a sense of deftness, rather than just going for the viscerally-upsetting gore. A cynic might suggest that, as Paramount’s other Trek projects ended, franchise-overseer Alex Kurtzman — who has pushed the franchise into “grittier” territory whenever he can — had more time to spend in the SNW writers’ room. Much as I’ve enjoyed the series’ soapier elements, the continuing plotlines take up an ever bigger part of each episode’s runtime so far. Consequently, the story of the week gets less service, making them feel weaker and less coherent. One episode pivots two thirds of the way in to act as a low-key sequel to an episode from season two. But since we’ve only got ten minutes left, it feels thrown in as an afterthought, or to resolve a thread the creative team felt they were obliged to deal with (they didn’t). In fact, this and the recently-finished run of Doctor Who suffered from the same problem that blights so many streaming-era shows, which is the limited episode order. Rather than producing TV on the scale broadcast networks were able to — yearly runs of 22-, 24- or 26 episodes, a lot of (expensive) genre shows get less than half that. The result is that each episode has to be More Important Than The Last One in a way that’s exhausting for a viewer. But Strange New Worlds can’t solve all the economic issues with the streaming model on its own. My hope is that, much like in its first season, the weaker episodes are all in its front half to soften us up for the moments of quality that followed toward its conclusion. ASIDE: Shortly before publication, Paramount announced Strange New Worlds would end in its fifth season, which would be cut from ten episodes to six. It's not surprising — given the equally-brilliant Lower Decks was also axed after passing the same milestone — but it is disappointing. My only hope is that the series doesn't spend that final run awkwardly killing off the series' young ensemble one by one in order to replace them with the entire original series' roster as to make it "line up." Please, let them be their own things. This article originally appeared on Engadget at https://www.engadget.com/entertainment/tv-movies/star-trek-strange-new-worlds-third-season-falls-short-of-its-second-020030139.html?src=rss