On the campaign trail, Donald Trump relished the chance to assure voters that the 2022 overturn of Roe v. Wade meant people did not need to worry about more federal abortion restrictions, since it was all effectively moot and now up to the states. As Election Day grew closer, Trump insisted hed be great for women and their reproductive rights and even that he would not support a federal abortion ban, under any circumstances. His flip-flopping worked: Most voters believed that Trump would not be a threat to abortion rights and that he would not prioritize the issue if elected.Since winning, Trump and his transition team have aimed to keep abortion out of the news and maintain the appearance of moderation to avoid losing broader support. While Trump did tap two anti-abortion doctors to oversee the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and the Food and Drug Administration (Dr. Mehmet Oz and Marty Makary, respectively), his Health and Human Services secretary pick is Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who is on record supporting abortion rights. Trumps team also rejected naming Roger Severino to a top HHS post, primarily because his team thought his anti-abortion views would be too controversial. (Anti-abortion leaders lobbied heavily for Severino.) On his first day back in office Trump sought to downplay reproductive rights: None of his first dozens of executive orders directly pertained to abortion, though his anti-transgender decree did invoke the idea that human personhood begins at conception, a key tenet of the fetal personhood wing of the anti-abortion movement. Trump will also be in California on Friday, skipping the chance to speak at the March for Life rally in Washington, DC, which he addressed as president in 2020.But this more evasive period will soon run headlong into the reality of Congress, litigation, and executive governing.His administration will have to weigh in on pending abortion rights lawsuits, legislation dealing with new abortion restrictions, and hell have to appoint more judges. (In his first term, Trump appointed one of the most anti-abortion judges in the country Matthew Kacsmaryk.) In the months ahead, as Congress sends bills to his desk and courts issue more fetal personhood rulings, Trumps carefully crafted moderate image on abortion will face mounting pressure. While he likely does not want to wade back into the messy world of abortion politics an issue he has never held strong convictions about hell soon have to.The anti-abortion strategyEmerging statements from anti-abortion advocates suggest that most are prepared to be lenient with the new president, accepting compromises so Trump can continue to claim that he signed no new federal abortion ban. Activists see it in their interest to accommodate the president so as to stay within his good graces, and influence policy and judicial nominees where possible. Letting Trump keep his promise of no federal abortion ban isnt such a big sacrifice, because there was never much likelihood that Congress would be able to pass such a ban without lawmakers overturning the filibuster. The anti-abortion movement, for its part, had not been counting on the GOP to push bills with a simple majority. Quite frankly, unless something really unusual happens in this election, neither side is going to have the votes in Congress to pass a national law, Carol Tobias, president of the National Right to Life Committee, told the Associated Press in early October. Expect more euphemistic language games. Steven Aden, the general counsel at Americans United for Life, told States Newsroom in November that his national anti-abortion group would support a federal dismemberment bill, meaning a proposed ban on the most common second-trimester abortion procedure, known as dilation and evacuation. This would still technically leave physicians able to use methods like C-sections to terminate later pregnancies allowing Trump to claim he didnt ban abortion writ large but those alternatives are less safe. Several states have banned D&E since 2017.Anti-abortion advocates will also press for enforcement of the Comstock Act, an 1873 federal law that could prohibit anything associated with abortion from being sent in the mail. The Comstock Act was rendered moot by Roe in the 1970s but never formally repealed, and now, with Roe gone, many conservatives see it as an ideal vehicle for restricting abortion nationwide, precisely because it wouldnt require passing a new law. The Trump administration could enforce it, and Trump could continue to insist he kept his campaign pledge to sign no new federal ban. In August, after months of dodging the question, Trump told CBS he generally speaking would not use the Comstock Act to restrict access to abortion medication. However, many people in his orbit, including his vice president, are on record urging the opposite, and its not clear if Trumps Department of Justice will keep the Biden-era interpretation that mailing abortion pills is not in violation of the act. Trumps DOJ pick, Pam Bondi, has not clarified what shed do, but said in her confirmation hearing that she would not let her personal opposition to abortion influence her actions as US attorney general. Other items high on the anti-abortion wish list that could allow Trump to maintain the relative pretense of moderation include renewed efforts to defund Planned Parenthood, the largest reproductive health network in the country. While Planned Parenthood is popular, Trump could say federal funding is at odds with the vision of states deciding abortion policy. On the campaign trail, JD Vance said Trump would support defunding Planned Parenthood, and in his first term, Trump implemented a domestic gag rule on US-based family planning programs, eliminating funding for any program that provided abortion services or even abortion information. It led to 400 Planned Parenthood clinics nationwide losing federal money. Legislation to defund the organization was recently reintroduced in Congress.Activists also want to bring back older restrictions on medication abortion like bans on telehealth which will make the drugs much harder for people to access but enable the president to claim he isnt actually banning them. Anti-abortion groups plan to press the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to study potential environmental harm from flushing abortion pills down the toilet, a move they hope could lead to new restrictions on how the drugs can be legally administered and disposed of. Activists also hope RFK Jr.s general skepticism of FDA drug approvals helps them win support for a federal study, since they argue the agency erred in its approval of mifepristone 25 years ago.Thorny decisions awaitOne less polarizing course for the Trump administration would be to merely undo Biden administration policies, reverting back to more typical GOP restrictions like the global gag rule, which blocks foreign organizations receiving US aid from providing abortion information or referrals. Every Republican president since Ronald Reagan has implemented this policy, including Trump in 2017. Other things Trump could revoke include Bidens expanded abortion access for military veterans, and a Biden-era Medicaid waiver that supports patients traveling out of state for care. They dont have to advance a pro-life federal law, Eric Kniffin, a fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center, told The Hill recently. They just have to stop the overreaches that [the Biden] administration has been taking.But even if Trump wanted to duck more high-octane political fights over abortion, he likely wont be able to avoid the brewing battles over IVF, which now accounts for about 2 percent of births in the US. Personhood advocates argue that discarding unused embryos during IVF is tantamount to abortion, and pushing for new restrictions could significantly affect millions of Americans struggling with infertility. While Louisiana remains the only state to outright prohibit the destruction of embryos, activists are pressing more states to follow its lead. Federal courts may also need to address whether embryos possess constitutional rights a legal battle that could reshape reproductive law.In a post-election memo, SBA Pro-Life America, a major anti-abortion advocacy group, insisted that the Republican Party must focus on the unalienable right to life for the unborn child that exists under the 14th Amendment. This indicates the GOP may be pressured to adopt the far-right goal of fetal personhood more aggressively potentially influencing its stance on issues like IVF too.Several pending lawsuits will force Trump to take clearer positions on abortion access than he might otherwise like.One concerns the federal Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act (EMTALA) requiring hospitals to provide emergency abortion care. Though Trump campaigned on supporting abortion in emergency situations, he has not yet clarified his position on the law. Project 2025, the controversial GOP blueprint that Trump has distanced himself from, called for rescinding Bidens EMTALA guidance and ending federal investigations into cases of alleged refusals to perform abortion. Trumps administration might also dismiss ongoing EMTALA cases in Texas and Idaho where the federal government has been arguing to preserve abortion rights. Another lawsuit is a newer case taking aim at mifepristone filed by three Republican state attorneys general. This suit notably argues that the FDA violated the Comstock Act by permitting abortion pills to be sent by mail. Last week, Kacsmaryk said this lawsuit could move forward. In the previous federal attempts to challenge the legality of mifepristone, the Biden administration defended access to the medication. Its not clear what Trumps DOJ will decide to do.Beyond these legal challenges, Congress may force Trumps hand as well. While House Speaker Mike Johnson limited certain anti-abortion measures in previous must-pass spending bills, it will be easier this year for Republicans to push restrictions forward. He and GOP Senate Majority Leader John Thune are planning to speak at the March for Life rally later this week, and Thune has already pledged to hold a vote on legislation that would introduce new criminal penalties for doctors based on myths about later abortions a move abortion rights advocates see as part of a larger plan to criminalize the procedure.For now, abortion rights groups are not planning to seek compromiseWhile some Republican lawmakers in addition to Trump have signaled openness to compromise on issues like abortion exceptions, contraception, and IVF, thus far theres little indication that abortion rights groups would seek such opportunities. We have no interest in shrinking our vision, Kimberly Inez McGuire, executive director of Unite for Reproductive & Gender Equity, told me late last year. Working with Republicans on even limited protections could also undercut the narrative of GOP extremism a message advocacy groups see as crucial for Democrats winning in 2026 and 2028.In general, polls show voters have grown even more supportive of abortion rights than they were before the Supreme Court overturned Roe. About 80 percent of voters say protecting contraception access is deeply important to them, and 72 percent of Republican voters had a favorable view of birth control. IVF is even more popular: 86 percent of Americans think it should be legal, including 78 percent of self-identified pro-life advocates and 83 percent of evangelical Christians.These overwhelming public approval numbers show why Trumps strategy of distancing himself from abortion restrictions resonated during the campaign. But governing requires actual decisions and unlike campaign rhetoric, those cant be as easily walked back.Youve read 1 article in the last monthHere at Vox, we're unwavering in our commitment to covering the issues that matter most to you threats to democracy, immigration, reproductive rights, the environment, and the rising polarization across this country.Our mission is to provide clear, accessible journalism that empowers you to stay informed and engaged in shaping our world. By becoming a Vox Member, you directly strengthen our ability to deliver in-depth, independent reporting that drives meaningful change.We rely on readers like you join us.Swati SharmaVox Editor-in-ChiefSee More:

New executive actions from the Trump administration on Tuesday make clear that not only is President Donald Trump using his power to purge the practice of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) from the federal government hes acting to try and purge it from American culture as a whole.In an executive order Tuesday night, Trump dismantled the decades-old requirements that federal contractors practice affirmative action by trying to employ more women and people of color. Trumps acting chief of the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) the office that oversees the federal civil service also ordered that all employees of DEIA (diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility) offices at federal agencies be placed on paid administrative leave by the end of the day Wednesday.But Trump went further, also taking aim at DEI in the private and nonprofit sectors. His executive order instructed the Justice Department and other agencies to identify the most egregious and discriminatory DEI practitioners in their jurisdiction. Every federal agency, the order went on, must send a recommendation to the attorney general of up to nine potential investigations of corporations, large nonprofits, foundations with assets of $500 million or more, higher education institutions with endowments of $1 billion or more, or bar and medical associations. All this, the order said, was meant to encourage the private sector to end illegal discrimination and preferences, including DEI.DEI is, broadly, efforts at companies, universities, and other institutions to manage their internal cultures on identity-related matters, from hiring to workplace policies. Its supporters say DEI is necessary to combat bias and ensure employees of underrepresented backgrounds feel comfortable and supported. Its critics argue say it often crosses the line into speech policing and advances a progressive political agenda that conservatives dont share.Trumps legal justification for all this is his claim that DEI programs or race- and sex-based preferences can violate civil rights laws he claims that they often amount to illegal discrimination (the implication being: discrimination against whites, Asian Americans, and men when they do not receive such preferences). The order argues that individual merit, aptitude, hard work, and determination not race or sex should matter. (What exactly crosses the line to make a DEI program illegal is left extremely vague in the order.)All this marks a seismic cultural and legal shift away from the 2010s and the racial reckoning of 2020, when these programs became widespread across the US. A few years ago, they seemed to many to be a commonsense response to enduring structural discrimination now, they might get you investigated. But the rollback goes even further than that. Trump revoked a 1965 order by President Lyndon B. Johnson calling for affirmative action in federal contracting, which has become a pillar of the civil rights canon in the decades since.The order also underscores the ascendance to power of the anti-wokeness crusaders who, irate at what they viewed as increasing progressive dominance in American culture, came up with a detailed plan for using federal power to combat it. They are now seeing that plan put into action by the president of the United States.This policy shows the impact of the anti-wokeness crusadersIn a certain sense, this latest move is nothing surprising, given that conservatives have long criticized affirmative action practices that were adopted after the civil rights era.Supporters of affirmative action argued that such programs were necessary to help broaden access to institutions dominated by white men due to longstanding societal discrimination. The right has long had a two-part critique: First, that these programs deprioritize qualifications and merit; and second, that programs to benefit minorities or women amounted to reverse discrimination against whites and men (and, in recent years, Asian Americans). That is, that, far from being compliant with civil rights law, affirmative action actually violates the principle of race neutrality by doing its own kind of discrimination.In the 1990s and 2000s, conservative activists won victories in certain states that approved bans of affirmative action, but they kept coming up short at the Supreme Court and the status quo prevailed in federal policy. Then, in the 2010s, the practice evolved into a newfound trend toward DEI programs, which focused not just on affirmative action in hiring but on more broadly managing institutions internal culture on identity-related matters, culminating in an intense focus on such topics during the racial reckoning of 2020.During Trumps first term, he and his appointees did not make challenging affirmative action or DEI a top priority. But in 2020 and the years after Trumps defeat, activists on the right increasingly focused on pushing back against wokeness. Their number included Trumps policy expert Stephen Miller, who was mainly preoccupied with immigration during Trumps first term, but branched out to focus on challenging DEI as well during the Biden years, when he founded a legal nonprofit to challenge Bidens policies. And in 2023, the Supreme Court finally delivered the anti-affirmative action ruling long sought by the right, severely curtailing the use of affirmative action in college admissions.But the right didnt want to stop there. Advocates and commentators like Chris Rufo and Richard Hanania had gained prominence on the right by coming up with theories of why wokeness was so widespread and how it could be combated. Rufos big idea was that the left controlled major institutions in American life, and that the right must take over such institutions and use power to purge left-wing ideas and practices from them.As for Hanania who wrote various extremely racist things for white supremacist sites in the early 2010s under a pseudonym, but has since claimed he now finds his old beliefs repulsive he argued the roots of wokeness were in federal civil rights law. He singled out LBJs 1965 executive order on affirmative action for government contractors as starting the trend, arguing that GOP presidents (including Trump) had inexplicably failed to roll it back. He also argued for going further, and issuing a new executive order stating that you cant have an affirmative action program. Trumps sweeping actions are aimed at reshaping American law and cultureThis is in essence what Trump did. Trump is acting far more aggressively on this topic than he did in his first term, apparently spurred on by some combination of the new focus from conservative activists, interest from Miller, his deputy chief of staff, and cover from the Supreme Court decision. Another potential contributor is a sense that many in the public have soured on wokeness and that public backlash will be muted.His new executive order reflects the Rufo-Hanania agenda, rolling back the LBJ order specifically to dismantle affirmative action in federal contracting, while putting private sector and nonprofit institutions on notice that DEI initiatives they deem discriminatory could land them in legal hot water. With his OPM order, Trumps team is also outright purging DEI supporters from the federal government. And theyre also warning federal employees against fighting back. The OPM announcement stressed that higher-ups are aware of efforts by some in government to disguise these programs by using coded or imprecise language, and instructed employees to report any changes made since the election to obscure connections with DEI. Failure to report this information within 10 days may result in adverse consequences, the announcement adds.The question now is how American institutions will respond. Enthusiasm for DEI has already cooled in recent years, as several major corporations have rolled back their efforts; more companies could follow their lead, using these legal threats as justification. More progressive-leaning colleges and nonprofits may be more inclined to fight back but they, too, face the threat of investigations (Trumps order calls out major universities, nonprofits, and foundations as potential egregious offenders).Legal challenges against Trumps order will clearly be coming. Progressives could argue that the order goes too far and threatens constitutional rights of speech or association. But whether the Supreme Court will sympathize with progressives is questionable, given that its six conservatives share the view that affirmative action amounts to discrimination. (The way to stop discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race, Chief Justice John Roberts famously wrote in 2007.)For now, what is clear is that Trumps team is making an all-out effort to dismantle both the legal framework and the larger culture that have underpinned affirmative action and DEI in recent years. It is unclear what pushback they will receive and, if none materializes, the ultimate legacy of the racial reckoning could well be a backlash that ends up rolling back decades of progressive policy.Youve read 1 article in the last monthHere at Vox, we're unwavering in our commitment to covering the issues that matter most to you threats to democracy, immigration, reproductive rights, the environment, and the rising polarization across this country.Our mission is to provide clear, accessible journalism that empowers you to stay informed and engaged in shaping our world. By becoming a Vox Member, you directly strengthen our ability to deliver in-depth, independent reporting that drives meaningful change.We rely on readers like you join us.Swati SharmaVox Editor-in-ChiefSee More:

With a second movie on the way, the Wicked train is not slowing down anytime soonand now Jon M. Chus hit film has impacted ticket sales for Broadways mainstay feature. Not only that, but now the stage production of the musical has cast its first Black Elphaba. Starting March 4, musical theater enthusiasts and fans of the film who head to see the show live on Broadway will witness Lencia Kebedes debut as Elphaba Thropp in the story of the Wicked Witch of the West. Kebede will be the first full-time main cast member who is a Black woman to play Elphaba on Broadway, though Black performers such as Saycon Sengbloh and Brandi Massey have stepped in to play Elphaba in the production in the pastand Black performers have similarly portrayed her full-time in the shows British home on Londons West End. This casting has been a long time coming and follows Cynthia Erivos revelatory take on the character for the Universal Pictures film. Previously, the Broadway show cast Brittney Johnson as the first Black woman to play Glinda in 2022; shed been an understudy for the role since 2019. Joining the cast in 2025 opposite Kebede is Allie Trimm, taking over the popular role which was played by Ariana Grande in the 2024 film. Kebede comes off a run as Angelica Schuyler in Lin-Manuel Mirandas Hamilton to play Elphaba, while Trimm steps into the role after being a featured standby for Glinda since 2021.Take a a look at the casting announcement below from Wicked: The Musicals official YouTube. Wicked: The Musical is currently running on Broadway. Wicked the movie is out now in theaters and digital. And Wicked: For Goodopens this Thanksgiving.Update: This post has been updated to note that Black performers have played the role of Elphaba on Broadway in the past, with Kebede being the first full-time cast member to take on the role. Want more io9 news? Check out when to expect the latest Marvel, Star Wars, and Star Trek releases, whats next for the DC Universe on film and TV, and everything you need to know about the future of Doctor Who.

By Ed Cara Published January 22, 2025 | Comments (1) | Ketamine has become an important alternative for treatment-resistant depression in recent years, Shablon via Shutterstock An emerging treatment for clinical depression has reached an important milestone. This week, the Food and Drug Administration approved Johnson & Johnsons ketamine-based nasal spray, Spravato, as a standalone therapy for cases of depression that havent responded to other options. J&J announced the FDAs supplemental approval Tuesday. Previously, Spravato was approved as an add-on therapy for treatment-resistant depression, in conjunction with an oral antidepressant. The expanded use signals a promising future for ketamine and similar drugs as a mental health intervention. Spravato was first approved by the FDA in 2019, following years of research suggesting that ketamine therapy could provide unique and fast-acting antidepressant benefits. Though ketamine is perhaps more infamously known as a recreational drug with dissociative effects, its long used medically as an anesthetic. Prior to Spravatos approval, intravenous ketamine had became a growing, if off-label, option for difficult cases of depression. However, Spravato contains a different form of ketamine than the version that is used intravenouslya chemical sibling called esketamine. In the years since its approval, Spravato and ketamine have continued to show their potential as a depression treatment. Studies following its release have found, for instance, that ketamine can outperform other standard alternatives for treatment-resistant depression, such as certain antipsychotics. The FDA granted Spravatos expanded approval on the basis of another post-market phase 4 trial, one that compared Spravato alone to a placebo. The double-blinded, randomized, and controlled trial involved people with treatment-resistant depression, who were assigned to three groups: two groups who received different doses of Spravato twice a week for four weeks and a control group who received a placebo spray. Those on Spravato experienced a significant and sustained reduction in depression symptoms compared to controls, the study found. Only 7.6% of patients taking a placebo experienced a clear remission of their symptoms, for instance, compared to 22.5% of people taking Spravato. The drug also appeared to be as safe as its appeared in earlier trials.Treatment-resistant depression can be very complicated, especially for patients who do not respond to oral antidepressants or cannot tolerate them, said Bill Martin, the global therapeutic area head of neuroscience at J&Js innovative medicine department, in a statement. Spravato is now available as a standalone treatment, meaning patients may experience improvements in depressive symptoms as early as 24 hours and at 28 dayswithout the need for daily oral antidepressants. Like any drug, ketamine isnt without its risks. When used for depression, common side effects can include sedation, dissociation, and respiratory depression (overly slow or shallow breathing). These side effects and the potential risk of harmful dependence have led to the FDA mandating a special treatment strategy for providing Spravato to patients, known as a Risk Evaluation and Mitigation Strategy, or REMS, program. People taking Spravato can only do so at clinics or medical offices certified to distribute it, and only under direct medical supervision.Still, Spravatos expansion into a standalone therapy means that more people with treatment-resistant depression will be able to access the drug. In the long term, one big reason why researchers have been so excited about ketamine is that the drug targets different receptors in the brain tied to depression than other medications. This not only allows ketamine to possibly help people who havent responded to past treatments, it could someday mean the arrival of newer drugs that work in a similar way. And if these drugs can be made even safer, then they could also become frontline treatments for depression in general.Daily Newsletter

Carupa House High Mountain Refuge / Bermdez ArquitectosSave this picture! B estudio, Paola Pabn & Santiago BeaumHouses, SustainabilityCarmen de Carupa, ColombiaArchitects: Bermdez ArquitectosAreaArea of this architecture projectArea:818 ftYearCompletion year of this architecture project Year: 2023 PhotographsPhotographs:B estudio, Paola Pabn & Santiago BeaumManufacturersBrands with products used in this architecture project Manufacturers: Hunter Douglas Lead Architect: Ramn Bermdez More SpecsLess SpecsSave this picture!Text description provided by the architects. Located in the middle of the countryside, in a private nature reserve at 3500 meters above sea level, Casa Carupa is a high mountain refuge that adapts to the needs of living in a tropical high mountain climate, also known as sub-paramo, because it is an intermediate point between the paramo and the high Andean forest, whose temperatures suddenly fluctuate between 0 and 21 degrees C in the same day.Save this picture!Under these climatic and geographical conditions (with privileged views of the Andes, away from everything, and in a place that aims to preserve the pre-existing natural conditions as much as possible), the project is conceived following these premises:Save this picture!1. First, it is designed to be built as a dry prefabricated single-room shelter with the intention of bringing the vast majority of the materials pre-assembled and cut and making the process a dry assembly with the least impact on the environment. The only wet process with concrete is done in the 15 foundation dies. The structure of this volume was built dry using the steel framing system, a very light standardized structural system where all the profiles contribute to the stability of the whole, and a steel deck plate with sandwich-type dry forging and 20mm OSB.Save this picture!Save this picture!2. The project starts from a 4 m x 4 m modulation, where in each module the bedroom, kitchen, living room, and dining room with porch are located. These modules are assembled with an intermediate strip of 2 m x 4 m intended for the bathroom and the extension of the social area, thus forming a rectangular volume topped by a sawtooth-shaped roof.Save this picture!Save this picture!3. The modularity of the construction system and the standardization of spaces mean that the house can grow over time with the same structural and spatial module, forming a home with more rooms and outdoor spaces.Save this picture!Save this picture!4.The envelope is carefully designed to achieve the greatest possible thermal comfort without consuming energy. For this, the windows and skylights of this structure are designed to be oriented towards the morning sun with the aim of making the most of solar radiation and capturing it inside. Once captured, the intention is to keep it as much as possible inside, reducing heat loss. The thermal package of the facade, plate, and roof is composed of several layers of waterproof protection (metal sheet tile and waterproofing layer), thermal protection (intermediate layers of expanded polystyrene and rock wool), and a vapor barrier to achieve a hot structure. The windows were specified with thermal break, allowing large openings to the landscape without losing insulation efficiency.Save this picture!5. In search of the discretion necessary to land in a place like this, the refuge seeks to differentiate itself from the landscape without being striking. For this reason, a unique material has been chosen for the faade made of stapled metal tiles oven-painted with a navy blue color chosen for this occasion. This color is complementary to the general color palette of the landscape, so the house blends into the high Andean forest without falling into direct military-style camouflage.Save this picture!Save this picture!6. In opposition to the austere and cold exterior, the interior walls are covered in OSB wood panels that, in addition to a warm-colored vinyl floor, guarantee a feeling of warmth and domesticity. Project gallerySee allShow lessAbout this officeBermdez ArquitectosOfficeMaterialsWoodSteelMaterials and TagsPublished on January 22, 2025Cite: "Carupa House High Mountain Refuge / Bermdez Arquitectos" [Casa Carupa refugio de alta montaa / Bermdez Arquitectos] 22 Jan 2025. ArchDaily. Accessed . <https://www.archdaily.com/1025755/carupa-house-high-mountain-refuge-bermudez-arquitectos&gt ISSN 0719-8884Save!ArchDaily?You've started following your first account!Did you know?You'll now receive updates based on what you follow! Personalize your stream and start following your favorite authors, offices and users.Go to my stream

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Taken from a tree in Norway, this stained tree sample shows a blue ring from 1902. (Credit: Pawel Matulewski and Liliana Siekacz)NewsletterSign up for our email newsletter for the latest science newsHuman skin isn't the only thing that can change color after facing the cold. Trees and shrubs change colors, too, taking on a special blue tinge after they are sampled and stained. Thats according to a new study in Frontiers in Plant Science, which found strange blue rings in samples of trees and shrubs from the northern treeline in Norway.Blue rings look like unfinished growth rings, and are associated with cold conditions during the growing season, said Agata Buchwal, a study author and dendrochronologist at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poland, in a press release. In fact, the study authors say that their findings testify to two cold seasons almost 150 and 125 years ago, perhaps caused by a pair of volcanic eruptions. Summertime Struggles for Norways Trees and ShrubsTrees and shrubs struggle to grow when their summertime growing seasons are cold. Thats because the cell walls of their growing cells cant solidify in cold conditions, creating weakened wood rings that turn blue when the wood is sampled and stained. Since trees and shrubs live long lives, some as many as thousands of years, scientists can pinpoint the pasts chilliest summers by searching for these blue rings.Selecting Mount Ikoras in Norway for a search for blue rings, a team of researchers took samples from 25 pine trees and 54 juniper shrubs, representing the species Pinus sylvestris and Juniperus communis, at the northern tree limit. After slicing and staining their samples, the researchers then slid them under a microscope to measure their growth rings, as well as their blue rings. All told, the researchers found that around 84 percent of their pine tree samples and 36 percent of their juniper shrub samples showed blue rings in 1877, while around 96 percent of their pine trees and 68 percent of their juniper shrubs showed blue rings in 1902.Sifting through the weather records from the Mount Ikoras weather station, the team confirmed that the summers of 1877 and 1902 were cold, with the coldest temperatures in August 1877 and June 1902, and potentially tied to a pair of volcanic eruptions. While the blue rings from 1877 align with a June eruption of Cotopaxi in Ecuador, the blue rings from 1902 align with a May eruption of Mount Pele in Martinique.Read More: 5 of the Most Explosive Volcanic EruptionsA Cold Connection to VolcanismMostly observed in latewood, which grows in the summertime season, 2.1 percent of the pine trees growth and 1.3 percent of the juniper shrubs growth turned blue after staining. This suggests that pine trees are more susceptible to cold conditions, and thus more sensitive indicators of summertime cold.In general, we found more blue rings in trees than in shrubs, Buchwal said in the release. Shrubs seem to be more adapted to cooling events than trees, which is probably why shrubs are found further north."While beneficial to scientists today, blue rings arent a boon for the trees and shrubs that contain them. Blue rings have the potential to weaken the tree, making it more susceptible to mechanical damage or disease, said Pawel Matulewski, another study author and dendrochronologist at Adam Mickiewicz University, in the release. If this phenomenon persists over several years, it can impede the trees recovery. While other studies suggest connections between blue rings and volcanism, additional research is needed to tie the blue rings at the northern treeline to Cotopaxi and Mount Pele. Indeed, no other research reveals a correlation between the summertime cold in Norway in 1877 and Cotopaxi, and the temperatures in both 1877 and 1902 could be linked to another component of the climate, instead.According to the team, complete, consistent temperature recordings are necessary for this additional research. While limited temperature recordings restricted the researchers ability to confirm other cold summers in Norway, a lack of recordings at the specific location of the trees and shrubs limited their ability to confirm the temperatures that afflicted them. We hope to inspire other research groups to look for the blue rings in their material, Buchwal said in the release. It would be great to establish a blue ring network based on trees and shrubs to reconstruct cooling events at the northern treeline over long timescales. Read More: 5 Things You Might Not Know About VolcanoesArticle Sources:Our writers at Discovermagazine.com use peer-reviewed studies and high-quality sources for our articles, and our editors review for scientific accuracy and editorial standards. Review the sources used below for this article:Frontiers in Plant Science. Blue Rings in Trees and Shrubs as Indicators of Early and Late Summer Cooling Events at the Northern TreelineNew Phytologist. On Tree Longevity Sam Walters is a journalist covering archaeology, paleontology, ecology, and evolution for Discover, along with an assortment of other topics. Before joining the Discover team as an assistant editor in 2022, Sam studied journalism at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois.1 free article leftWant More? Get unlimited access for as low as $1.99/monthSubscribeAlready a subscriber?Register or Log In1 free articleSubscribeWant more?Keep reading for as low as $1.99!SubscribeAlready a subscriber?Register or Log In